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2, And be it further enacted, That all acts or parts of
acts, either by Congress or the legislative assemblies of
said Territories, inconsistent with the provisions of this
act are hereby declared null and void.

WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN UTAH.--March 25, 1869.--Mr. Julian introduced
the following bill into Congress to discourage polygamy in Utah
by granting the right of suffrage to the women of that Territory:

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress Assembled, That
from and after the passage of this act the right of Suffrage
in the Territory of Utah shall belong to, and may be
exercised by, the people thereof, without any distinction or
discrimination whatever founded on sex.

The bill was read twice, referred to the Committee on
Territories, and ordered to be printed.

The New York _Herald_ is no more than an average of the voice of
the intelligent portion of the press in the following excerpts
from its columns: Senator Wilson has introduced a bill so to
amend the suffrage laws of the District of Columbia as to give to
women of all colors and races, as well as men, the right of
suffrage. As Congress has exclusive powers of legislation over
the District of Columbia in all cases whatsoever, here is a fair
chance to try the two houses upon this very interesting question.
There are a few out-spoken members of the Senate in favor of
Woman Suffrage, and first and foremost among them is "Old Ben
Wade," who goes for the whole programme of negroes' rights and
women's rights. Senator Pomeroy, of Kansas, has so far advanced
in the cause of Woman Suffrage that he has proposed to make it a
part of the supreme law of the land. But we like the idea of Mr.
Wilson of first trying the experiment in the District of
Columbia.

We remember the time when, in full view from the west front of
the Capitol, there was a regular slave pen which was also a
market where negroes were bought and sold. The abolitionists
first raised a hue and cry against that pen, and they kept it up
to 1850, when among the compromise measures of Henry Clay passed
that year was a provision abolishing the slave trade in the
District. Some twelve years later, during the rebellion, the
bolder and broader experiment was tried of abolishing slavery _in
toto_ in said District. These measures over a reserved bit of
territory over which Congress possesses absolute authority were
deemed judicious experiments and were demanded for the sake of
consistency, in view of the legislation resolved upon in Southern
reconstruction. So now, in view of a constitutional amendment
establishing not only manhood suffrage, but womanhood suffrage
throughout the United States, Mr. Wilson doubtless thinks it wise
first to try the experiment of Woman Suffrage in the aforesaid
District, to see how it will work. As the District of Columbia
has not only survived but has flourished and continues to
flourish under emancipation and negro suffrage, we can not
imagine why there should be any hesitation in trying therein the
experiment of Woman Suffrage. At all events let Senator Wilson
push forward his bill, so that the country may know, so that
General Grant may know, and so that the women may know who in the
Senate in favor of negroes' rights will dare to oppose woman's
rights.

CONGRESS.--DECEMBER 16, 1869.--In the House, some discussion
arose on a question involving the equality of woman to hold
appointments in the government. It was on a bill providing for
the taking of the census. A motion was made to amend an amendment
by changing the word elector (voter) to resident.

MR. LAWRENCE, of Ohio, said: I am opposed to the amendment of the
gentleman from New York. The effect will be to exclude every
female from any appointment, and although I suppose there will
not be many female applicants for office under this bill, I see
no reason why we should exclude them. (Laughter.) I know no
reason why a soldier's widow or any other female properly
qualified might not receive an appointment to any office the
duties of which she may be as capable of performing as those of
our own sex. If reasons exist let them be given. I will inquire
of the gallant gentleman from New York whether he wishes to
exclude this portion of his constituents and mine from the
privilege of holding office under this bill? (Renewed laughter.)

Mr. WOOD: My amendment says elector, not electress, and until the
ladies have the privilege of electors of the United States I
propose to exclude them.

Mr. LAWRENCE: I am opposed to that. Merit and capacity to serve
the people to the best advantage, after a proper consideration of
claims, should be the test for office.

Mr. GARFIELD, of Ohio: The word "elector" in the amendment of the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Wood) would exclude Alaska
altogether. There are no electors in Alaska. I would suggest that
he substitute the word "resident," which would avoid the
difficulty to which I have referred.

The question being put on Mr. Wood's amendment,

Mr. GARFIELD, of Ohio, moved to amend the proposed amendment by
inserting the word "resident" instead of "elector."

The question being put on Mr. Garfield's amendment to Mr. Wood's
amendment, it was agreed to. The question being put on Mr. Wood's
amendment, as amended, it was agreed to. So far, then, woman is
not to be proscribed.

As in the war women bravely assumed duties in many departments of
labor unknown to them before, so in the reconstruction they gave more
earnest thought to questions of public policy, and made many valuable
suggestions. A well written speech on "Reconstruction and Universal
Suffrage," was delivered by Mrs. M. C. Walling, of Texas, in the
Senate chamber of the Capitol at Washington, May 10th, 1866; The first
and last time that a woman was ever granted the privilege of speaking
there.

To Anna Dickinson belongs the honor of suggesting a XV amendment.
Although the XIV amendment to the National Constitution gave to that
document for the first time a concise definition of a "citizen," and
forbade any State to abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens
of the United States, yet this amendment was found inadequate to
protect the political rights of the colored men; and the Republican
party was anxiously casting about for a method of perfecting their
work, when the puzzle was solved by a proposition for a XV amendment,
which should prohibit disfranchisement on account of race, color, or
previous condition of servitude. The suggestion for this amendment
originated at the National Loyalists' Convention held at Philadelphia,
September, 1866, in a consultation between Anna Dickinson, Frederick
Douglass, and Theodore Tilton, and was in time accepted by the
Republican party. It was reported in Congress Feb. 26, 1869, and
received the necessary ratification March 30, 1870. Thus a woman and a
colored man were two important factors in perfecting the work of
reconstruction through a constitutional provision prohibiting
disfranchisement on account of race, color, or previous condition of
servitude.

As when the XIV amendment was pending, the efforts of women were
directed toward securing the omission of the invidious word "male," so
on the submission of the XV amendment their efforts were again
directed toward securing the enfranchisement of woman by the
introduction of the word "sex" in the last line of Section 1. But
Congress with the usual short-sightedness of injustice, refused to
secure the political freedom of one half the entire people, even
forgetting to enfranchise a portion of the colored race from their
"previous condition of servitude" because of sex.

The sound position taken by Anna Dickinson at this period is
substantiated by Frederick Douglass, not only in his "Life and Times,"
but in the following letters:


WASHINGTON, D. C., Jan. 31, 1882.

DEAR MRS. STANTON:-- ... Mrs. Gage's version of the origin of the
15th Amendment is in substance true. To dear Anna E. Dickinson
and brave Theodore Tilton belongs the credit of forcing that
amendment upon the attention of the Nation at the right moment
and in the right way to make it successful. I have given Miss
Dickinson the credit you award her in my "Life and Times," and
have made myself one of your earliest converts in the same.

Very truly yours, FRED'K. DOUGLASS.


WASHINGTON, D. C., Feb. 6, 1882.

MY DEAR MRS. STANTON:--Referring, since reading your note, to
what I have said of the National Loyalist Convention, held in
Philadelphia in 1866, I find that I have done but very scant
justice to Anna E. Dickinson and Theodore Tilton. Their courage,
skill and sagacity, were never displayed to greater advantage
than on that occasion. I have, as you will see, mentioned the
main facts, but I have given but a meagre view of the moral
conditions surrounding it. Bold and prompt action was needed, and
the man and the woman were equal to the occasion. From the first
Miss Dickinson, Mr. Tilton and myself felt that any
reconstruction at the South leaving the freedmen without the
ballot, would leave them in the absolute power of the old
master-class. Hence from the first we conferred together as to
the manner of bringing the subject to the attention of the
Convention. We looked to the Committee on Resolutions to bring up
the subject, but waited in vain. They had nothing for us but well
rounded platitudes and glittering generalities about the Union
and the relation of the States to the National Government all
well enough in ordinary times, but totally inappropriate in
respect of the real situation of the country at the moment.



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