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There
is no true patriotism, no true nobility in tamely and silently
submitting to this insult. It is mere sycophancy to man; it is
licking the hand that forges a new chain for our degradation; it
is indorsing the old idea that woman's divinely ordained position
is at man's feet, and not on an even platform by his side.

By this edict of the liberal party, the women of this Republic
are now to touch the lowest depths of their political
degradation.

JUNE 3, 1869.

THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT.--It is not to be believed that the
nation which is now engaged in admitting the newly liberated
negro to the plenitude of all political franchise, will much
longer retain woman in a state of _helotage_, which is more
degrading than ever, because being no longer shared by any of the
male sex, it constitutes every woman the inferior of every
man.--JOHN STUART MILL.

It is this thought, so clearly seen and concisely stated by this
distinguished English philosopher and statesman, that I have
endeavored to press on the hearts of American reformers for the
last four years. I have seen and felt, with a vividness and
intensity that no words could express, the far-reaching
consequences of this degradation of one-half the citizens of the
republic, on the government, the Saxon race, and woman herself,
in all her political, religious, and social relations. It is
sufficiently humiliating to a proud woman to be reminded ever and
anon in the polite world that she's a political nonentity; to
have the fact gracefully mourned over, or wittily laughed at, in
classic words and cultured voice by one's superiors in knowledge,
wisdom and power; but to hear the rights of woman scorned in
foreign tongue and native gibberish by everything in manhood's
form, is enough to fire the souls of those who think and feel,
and rouse the most lethargic into action.

If, with weak and vacillating words and stammering tongue, our
bravest men to-day say freedom to woman, what can we hope when
the millions educated in despotism, ignorant of the philosophy of
true government, religion and social life, shall be our judges
and rulers? As you go down in the scale of manhood, the idea
strengthens at every step, that woman was created for no higher
purpose than to gratify the lust of man. Every daily paper
heralds some rape on flying, hunted girls; and the pitying eyes
of angels see the holocaust of womanhood no journal ever notes.
In thought I trace the slender threads that link these hideous,
overt acts to creeds and codes that make an aristocracy of sex.
When a mighty nation, with a scratch of the pen, frames the base
ideas of the lower orders into constitutions and statute laws,
and declares every serf, peasant and slave the rightful
sovereigns of all womankind, they not only degrade every woman in
her own eyes, but in that of every man on the footstool. A
cultivated lady in Baltimore writes us a description of a colored
republican reunion, held in that city a few evenings since, in
which a colored gentleman offered the following toast: "Our wives
and daughters--May the women of our race never unsex themselves
by becoming strong-minded."

E. C. S.


MARCH 11, 1869.

DRAWING THE LINES.--If the fifteenth article of Constitutional
Amendments ever gets ratified and becomes the rule of suffrage,
it will have at least one good effect. Woman will then know with
what power she has to contend. It will be male versus female, the
land over. All manhood will vote not because of intelligence,
patriotism, property, or white skin, but because it is male, not
female. All womanhood will be newly outraged and debased, not for
ignorance, disloyalty, poverty, or a black skin, but because it
is female, not male. Julia Ward Howe, of Boston, has some good
thoughts in the _Galaxy_ for March on this subject, in part as
below:

"The Irish or German savage, after three years' cleansing, is
admitted to the general enrollment of the community. The colored
man, cleaner at the start than these, the natural ally of
republican principles, trained to an understanding of freedom by
a long experience of its opposite, stands next upon the record.
Voting to him is a military necessity. It is the only weapon with
which he can meet those whom law, custom, and prejudice have
hitherto trebly armed against him. This admitted right of
elective franchise to all men, brings one scarcely anticipated
condition. It arrays now the whole male and female sexes in a new
and unforeseen condition. The right of the elective franchise is
now the recognition of the inalienable right of all men to the
proper administration of their interests, and in America this
right is founded upon the right of human intelligence to its own
exercise, the right of human labor to its own recompense. The
generous culture which allows woman in this country so large an
extension of thought, and the social necessities which place in
her hands so many of the nicer tasks hitherto kept for those of
the other sex, alike commission her to claim and make good her
right to the most simple, general and explicit method of
expressing her will in the arena where wills are counted and
respected."

END OF THE SUFFRAGE AGITATION.--"The adoption of the Fifteenth
Amendment will put an end to further agitation of the subject,
for a long time at least, and thus leave the government of the
country free to deal with its material interests, and with the
more pressing questions of public policy and administration which
will arise from time to time. We do not concur with those who
predict that the question of suffrage for women will speedily
demand public action or engross public attention, or that the
right of men to hold office without distinction of color or race,
will absorb any great degree of public time or public thought for
a long while to come. Until some decided practical advantage is
to be gained by a dominant political party, neither of these
questions will be pressed to a decision; and both of them have,
in our judgment, commanded more attention already than they will
soon command again. With the adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment,
we may fairly look upon the suffrage agitation as at an end, for
the present political generation at all events; and that
consideration, of itself, affords a very powerful argument in
favor of its adoption."

Such is the conclusion of the New York _Times_. It is, too, the
belief, hope, and intention of a large number of party leaders,
both Republican and Democrat. But such reckon without their host.
They seem to have no idea with whom they have to deal. Woman may
not achieve her rights next year; may not vote for President in
1872. But if President Grant means by "let us have peace," an end
to the struggle for Woman Suffrage, he must pray to some other
than the God of Heaven, or the politicians of his party and
country; for the latter can't stop the agitation, and the former
won't. So President Pierce actually proclaimed peace with slavery
at his inauguration; but John Brown was already whetting his
sword, and the Almighty was forging his thunderbolts for that
vessel of wrath, long fitted for destruction, and the day of
peace is not even yet.

P. P.


PROVIDENCE, June 7, 1869.

PAULINA WRIGHT DAVIS ON THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT.--MY DEAR MRS.
STANTON: Nothing but the great crisis pending in our movement
would have drawn me from my retirement again into public strife
and turmoil, but I feel it a duty to enter my protest with yours
against the Fifteenth Amendment. Last winter, in Boston, I could
only give my vote against it, for no Sixteenth had been proposed.
It seemed almost a childish, selfish thing to do, when all the
eloquence of a Boston platform was arrayed on the other side, and
other women rose and said they were ready to step aside and let
the colored man have his rights first. Not one said we will step
aside and let the negro woman (whom I affirm, as I ever have, is
better fitted for self-government than the negro man) have her
rights before we press our claim, I could not but think it an
easy thing for them to do, never having had the right they
demanded. But if they truly believe that it will do for humanity
what is claimed for it, I do not see why it should be called
magnanimous for a woman to say, I yield to man just what he has
always asserted as his, the right to rule. You have taken a bold
stand, and I thank God for it. Though still in the minority,
there is hope; for with a radical truth one shall chase a
thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight; and ere very long,
before another convention, I trust many more will see with us
that the Fifteenth Amendment, without the Sixteenth, is a
compromise worse by far for the nation than any other ever
passed. They could be repealed, this can not. Once settled, the
waves of corruption will swamp our little bark freighted with all
humanity, the women of all shades of color, and subject to every
variety of tyranny and oppression, from the cramped feet of the
Chinese to the cramped brains and waists of our own higher order
of civilization.

It seems specially strange to those of us who so well remember
the motto of the old Abolitionists, "Immediate and unconditional
emancipation," now to hear a half measure advocated.



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