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The platform is the work of
Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, and the red men of the
wigwam and their associates might do worse than indorse and adopt it
entire. Besides, this declaration of principles on the part of the
strong-minded females opens up a new feature in the campaign and may
get rid of a serious difficulty. Why should not the Democratic
Convention take the cow by the horns, nominate Elizabeth Cady Stanton
or Susan B. Anthony as their candidate for the Vice-Presidency, and
thus strike out at once in a bold revolutionary policy that would
entirely overshadow the radicals and their niggers' rights and sweep
the country from Maine to California? We invite the attention of
Belmont and the National Committee to the suggestion. Chase and
Stanton would be a wonderfully strong ticket and a remarkable
association of names, and so, for that matter, would be Chase and
Anthony. Besides, it might really bring about a great reform in the
character of the Senate to be presided over by a female. There would
be fewer disgraceful scenes in that body, and even Chandler, Nye, and
poor maudlin Yates would feel the influence of woman's presence, and
learn to behave themselves decently.

(_Sun_, July 2, 1868): _The Revolution_ for this week is full of
suggestive and entertaining, if not instructive, reading matter.
Whether or not women ought to vote, it is very clear that those of the
sex who are associated under the leadership of Mrs. Stanton and Miss
Anthony can write in the most saucy and piquant fashion, and,
moreover, know how to disarm by their wit and good humor the most
ill-natured of their adversaries.

(_Tribune_, July 2, 1868): WOMAN SUFFRAGE.--It is said that strong
ground will be taken against the admission of Miss Susan B. Anthony as
a delegate at large to represent the interests of American women in
the Convention; but as that lady's ticket is already "impeticosed,"
and as she has a will of her own, and a number of brawny friends who
will not see her deprived of her rights as a publisher, a woman, and
an American citizen, it may be inferred that Miss Anthony will take a
seat in due form, and will make herself heard when her turn comes.

(_World_, July 2, 1868): The ladies of the spirited woman's rights
weekly, called _The Revolution_, with Miss Susan B. Anthony at their
head, are setting their caps for the Democratic party. Availing
themselves of the privilege conferred on their charming sex by
leap-year, they are making the first advances if not a downright
"proposal." Miss Anthony greets the National Convention by hanging out
a fresh new sign in flaming red, brighter than the blushes of Aurora,
and all the way up three flights of stairs to her office, visitors
will encounter red signs to the right of them, red signs to the left
of them, like the cannon at Balaklava. A conservative stranger needs
all the courage of the immortal Light Brigade to run the gauntlet of
the blazing word "_Revolution_" staring at him on so many sides. Miss
Anthony has taken uncommon pains to make her paper this week
captivating and irresistible, as will be seen by the advertisement she
has inserted in this morning's _World_ for the benefit of members of
the Convention. But if she were a confiding miss of "sweet sixteen,"
instead of the "strong-minded woman" that she is, and the blushes of
all those brilliant signs were transfused into her own lovely cheeks,
we suspect (such is the infirmity or the perversity of "those odious
men") that she would make more conquests than she can reasonably
expect to do with the intellectual blaze and brilliancy of this week's
_Revolution_--splendid new signs and all. We fear the time is rather
distant when gallant young democrats will not surrender to soft eyes
and modest feminine ways sooner than to a good piece of argumentation
in a female mouth. Miss Anthony will be the author of a "Revolution"
indeed, if she succeeds in persuading the well-dressed beaux to prefer
wives to whom they would go to school. The members of the Convention
are more mature, though we doubt if they are much more sensible. But
Miss Anthony is not of a temper to be discouraged by small obstacles,
and we applaud the spirit with which she attempts to "make hay while
the sun shines."

(_Evening Express_, July 2, 1868): "THE REVOLUTION" AND "THE
WOMAN."--The women--naturally enough malcontent when the inferior race
of negroes is given the ballot; when Coolies are promised the ballot,
and even Indians can not be refused equal and universal suffrage as
"men and brethren"--insist now, more and more, upon women being taken
into the Radical party. The Democracy acknowledge their right to
equality with negroes and Coolies and Comanches--not much of an
acknowledgment, by the way, but something in the way of progress, and
far ahead of the Radicals. The last number of _The Revolution_ is
irresistible in argument against the Negro Suffrage Radicals, who will
not give women equal rights with negroes.




CHAPTER XXII.

NATIONAL CONVENTIONS--1869.

First Convention in Washington--First hearing before
Congress--Delegates Invited from Every State--Senator Pomeroy, of
Kansas--Debate between Colored Men and Women--Grace Greenwood's
Graphic Description--What the Members of the Convention Saw and
Heard in Washington--Robert Purvis--A Western Trip--Conventions
in Chicago, Milwaukee, St. Louis, Springfield and
Madison--Editorial Correspondence in _The
Revolution_--Anniversaries in New York and Brooklyn--Conventions
in Newport and Saratoga.


In the Autumn of 1868 a call[111] was issued for the first Woman
Suffrage Convention ever held in Washington. It was a period of
intense excitement, as many important measures of reconstruction were
under consideration. The XIV Amendment was ratified, the XV was still
pending, and several bills were before Congress on the suffrage
question. Petitions and protests against all amendments to the
Constitution regulating suffrage on the basis of sex were being sent
in by thousands in charge of the Washington Association, of which
Josephine S. Griffing was President. A large number of persons from
every part of the Union were crowding into the Capital. Many
Southerners being present to whom the demand for woman suffrage was
new, the arguments were listened to with interest, while the tracts
and documents were eagerly purchased and distributed among their
friends at home. All these things combined to make this Convention
most enthusiastic and influential, not only in its immediate effect on
those present, but from the highly complimentary reports of the press
scattered over the nation. We find a brief summing up of the
Convention in letters to _The Revolution_.

EDITORIAL CORRESPONDENCE.

WASHINGTON, JANUARY 22, 1869.

DEAR REVOLUTION:--The first National Woman's Suffrage Convention
ever held in Washington, closed on Wednesday night. There were
representatives from about twenty States, and the deepest
interest was manifested through all the sessions, increasing to
the end[112]. On the morning of the Convention the business
committee assembled in the ante-room of Carroll Hall, to discuss
resolutions, officers, etc. As Senator Pomeroy, of Kansas, was
present, it was decided that he should open the meeting and
preside as long as his public duties would permit. This gave us
assurance of a healthy repose in the chair, which greatly helps
to take off the chill in opening a convention. After a grave
discussion of resolutions, permanent officers, etc., Mr. Pomeroy
led the way to the platform, called the meeting to order, and
made an able speech, taking the broad ground that as suffrage is
a natural, inalienable right, it must, of necessity, belong to
every citizen of the republic, black and white, male and female.
Mrs. Mott was chosen President, resolutions were reported, and
when everything was in fine working order (except the furnace)
Mr. Pomeroy slipped off to his senatorial duties, to watch the
grand Kansas swindle now on the tapis, and to protect, if
possible, the interests of the people.

Whatever elements or qualities combine to render any popular
convention every way successful, were most felicitously blended
in this gathering in Washington. In numbers, interest,
earnestness, variety and especially ability, there was surely
little left to be desired. As to numbers in attendance, from
Maine, California, and all the way between, it is sufficient to
say that although the first session was most encouragingly large,
there was a constant increase till the last evening, when the
spacious hall was crowded in every part, until entrance was
absolutely impossible, long before people ceased coming. Of the
interest in the proceedings, it may be said that it was proposed
to hold three sessions each day, with a brief recess at noon. But
twelve o'clock and all o'clock were forgotten, and the day
session continued until after four; the only regret seeming then
to be that there were not more hours, and that human nature had
not greater power of endurance.

The harmony that prevailed was all that could reasonably have
been expected (if not even desired), considering the nature of
the questions in hand, and the large number and variety of
opinions entertained and expressed in the different sessions. On
the one vital point, that suffrage is the inalienable right of
every intelligent citizen who is held amenable to law, and is
taxed to support the government, there was no difference
expressed. The issue that roused the most heated debate was
whether the colored man should be kept out of the right of
suffrage until woman could also be enfranchised. One young, but
not ineffectual speaker, declared he considered the women the
bitterest enemies of the negro; and asked, with intense emotion,
shall they be permitted to prevent the colored man from obtaining
his rights?



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