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She spoke in her usual
pungent, vehement style, hitting the nail on the head every time,
and driving it in up to the head. Indeed, it seems to me, that
while Lucretia Mott may be said to be the soul of this movement,
and Mrs. Stanton the mind, the "swift, keen intelligence," Miss
Anthony, alert, aggressive, and indefatigable, is its nervous
energy--its propulsive force.

Mrs. Stanton has the best arts of the politician and the training
of the jurist, added to the fiery, unresting spirit of the
reformer. She has a rare talent for affairs, management, and
mastership. Yet she is in an eminent degree womanly, having an
almost regal pride of sex. In France, in the time of the
revolution or the first empire, she would have been a Roland or a
De Stael. I will not attempt the slightest sketch of her closing
speech, which was not only a powerful plea for disfranchised
womanhood, but for motherhood. It was now impassioned, now
playful, now witty, now pathetic. It was surpassingly eloquent,
and apparently convincing, for the boldest and most radical
utterances, brought from the great audience the heartiest
applause. For _this_, I love the people. No great, brave, true
thought can be uttered before an American audience without
bringing a cordial and generous response. All are not ready, of
course, to carry into action, into life, legislation, and law the
sentiments of liberty and justice they applaud; but they feel
that somewhere, in some nameless Utopia far away, such things
might be lived out. Thank heaven that Utopia is _possible_ for
humanity--a real, practical condition of our mortal life--only a
little way before us, perhaps.

Many good, refined people turn a cold shoulder on this cause of
woman's rights because their religious sentiment, or their taste,
is shocked by the character or appearance of some of its public
advocates. They say: "If we were only to see at their conventions
that Quaker gentlewoman, Lucretia Mott, with her serene presence;
Mrs. Stanton, with her patrician air; Miss Anthony, with her
sharp, intellectual fencing; Lucy Stone, with her sweet,
persuasive argument and lucid logic--it were very well; but to
their free platform, bores, fanatics, and fools are admitted, to
elbow them and disgust us." I suppose that such annoyances, to
use a mild term, necessarily belong to a free platform, and that
freedom of speech is one of the most sacred rights--especially to
woman. Yet I think some authority there should be to exclude or
silence persons unfit to appear before an intelligent and refined
audience--some power to rule out utterly, and keep out, ignorant
or insane men and women who realize some of the worst things
falsely charged against the leaders of this movement. But to see
the three chief figures of this great movement of Woman's Rights
sitting upon a stage in joint council, like the three Parc or
Fates of a new dispensation--dignity and the ever-acceptable
grace of scholarly earnestness, intelligence, and beneficence
making them prominent--is assurance that the women of our
country, bereft of defenders, or injured by false ones, have
advocates equal to the great demands of their cause.

GRACE GREENWOOD.


EDITORIAL CORRESPONDENCE.

WASHINGTON, Jan. 22, 1869.

DEAR REVOLUTION:--We hear good accounts from all quarters of the
effect of the Woman's National Suffrage Convention. From the
numbers who called upon us, the courtesy of our rulers, the
marked attentions paid us in society, and the many enthusiastic
letters we daily receive, we are led to believe that woman's
suffrage is becoming very popular. As both the editor and
proprietor of _The Revolution_ are in the sere and yellow leaf,
the many attentions and compliments showered upon us are of
course from no personal considerations, but so many tributes of
respect to the ideas we represent; as such we gratefully accept
all that come to us, and thank our hosts of friends for the words
of good cheer we received in Washington. As we have never been
cast down with scorn and ridicule, we shall never be puffed up
with praise and admiration. In the future, as the past, the motto
of the good Abbe de Lamennais shall be ours, "Let the weal and
the woe of humanity be everything to us, their praise and their
blame of no effect." In conversation with some of the members we
found them quite jealous of the attentions Mr. Pomeroy was
receiving from the women of the nation. This will never do, to be
sowing seeds of discord where fraternal love should abound, and
we hope the women of the several States will send their petitions
to their own members. As Mr. Pomeroy has enough piled up in his
committee room to keep him busy all winter, we advise him to
distribute them among all the gallant gentlemen who would feel
honored in presenting them. Then, too, there is much wisdom in
the remarks made by the Hon. Roscoe Conkling, when he presented a
woman's petition, on the danger of granting Mr. Pomeroy a
monopoly of such privileges, lest he should grow lukewarm in the
cause. True, we have looked in vain for any burst of eloquence
from the Kansas gentleman, thus far, in the Senate, but it may be
that he can not find words to express the depth of his sympathy
for oppressed womanhood, hence the silent eloquence of action
alone in behalf of the fair petitioners.

One gentleman remarked, "Why do you push Pomeroy forward in your
movement? Julian is altogether the most reliable man." We
replied, we always push those who come forward. We should have
been very glad if Boutwell or Brooks, Wade or Wilson, Harlan or
Henderson, Julian or Jenckes had had the courage to come to our
platform, but as Mr. Pomeroy was the only member of Congress who
did come, he stands before the public as our champion in
Washington. These politicians are all alike. No doubt there are
many men in both Houses as earnest on this question as Mr.
Pomeroy, who are silent on personal considerations, while he is
active for the same reason. In Kansas, woman suffrage is a
popular question, hence it is safe for Senators from that State,
looking to a re-election, to advocate it, and when the women of
the several States are as wide awake as in Kansas, the members of
Congress will vie with each other to do them honor. We chanced to
lunch one day in Downing's saloon with the Hon. Sidney Clark, of
Kansas, and Gen. McMillan, of Minnesota, both strongly opposed to
the land swindle. The former has just made an able speech on that
question. Mr. Clark is a tall, fine-looking man, and bears so
striking a resemblance to the editor of the _Independent_ that he
is often accosted for him. The subject of discussion over Mr.
Downing's fine oysters was woman suffrage. Although Mr. Clark
rather gave us the cold shoulder in the Kansas campaign, he
promises to atone for his error by renewed ardor when the
proposition is again submitted.

Miss Anthony called on Senator Harlan, Chairman of the District
Committee, who readily granted us a hearing, which was had on
Wednesday, the 26th. Mr. H. being friendly to the idea, we shall
look to him to report a bill favorable to woman suffrage in the
District. Mr. Harlan has one of the most refined, spiritual faces
in the Senate. Mr. Lawrence, of Ohio, who was on the committee
for investigating the election frauds in New York, said, when he
returned, that the greatest fraud he found there was that
one-half the people were not allowed to vote at all.

Messrs. Aiken and Florence, of the _Sunday Gazette_, were deeply
interested listeners throughout our Convention. On being
introduced to Mr. Florence, we expressed the hope that he would
now sharpen his pen and do valiant service for woman and help to
atone for all the injustice and ridicule of the press in the
past. He promptly pledged himself to defend our ideas valiantly
in the future. And he has started well in writing a glowing
editorial in his last paper, and giving two columns to our speech
on "Manhood Suffrage." To Senator Trumbull, who is Chairman of
the Judiciary Committee, all our petitions, appeals, and
addresses are referred. We hope he will not sink under such a
weight of responsibility, but read everything we send him with a
holy unction to the committee, and report favorably to the
Senate.

We learned from the Southern members that the South Carolina
delegation will go solid for woman suffrage. It has been a wonder
to us that Southern white women did not see the necessity of
their speedy enfranchisement, as a foreign race is, by the edicts
of the Republican party, exalted above their heads--made their
rulers, judges, jurors, and law-givers.

Friday evening, we went to Secretary McCulloch's and Mr. Colfax's
receptions. There we saw Mrs. Colfax for the first time; tall,
handsome, vigorous. We congratulated her on having won the most
popular man in America, whereupon the Vice-President elect smiled
and bowed profoundly, and we turned to greet glorious old Ben
Wade and his noble wife. Finance seemed to be the theme on all
sides, and we have our fears that the negroes, as well as the
women, will be lost sight of, in these discussions about the
currency. But this finance is a grave question, and the more we
read and think on it, the more we are convinced that the need of
money is the root of all evil.



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