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The questioner
in an audience, no matter how bland and benevolent, is always
viewed with aversion, and, however well armed at all points, is
sure to be unhorsed by a brilliant sally of wit and ridicule. But
when a poser is put in black and white, nothing will do but
downright logic and argument. To that _unwomanly_ work we
addressed ourselves in the Toledo convention, and all admitted
that we gave most satisfactory answers. Mrs. Israel Hall is the
one who heads the woman's rebellion here. To her let all those
write and go who wish to work in that part of the Lord's
vineyard. We are glad to see by the papers that while we have
been so enthusiastically received in the West, Lucy Stone is
drawing crowded houses in all the chief cities of New England.

E. C. S.


THE MAY ANNIVERSARIES IN NEW YORK AND BROOKLYN.

The Executive Committee of the Equal Rights Association issued a
call[116] for the anniversary in New York, early in the spring of
1869. Never for any Convention were so many letters[117] written to
distinguished legislators and editors, nor so many promptly and fairly
answered.

The anniversary commenced on Wednesday morning at Steinway Hall, New
York. The opening session was very largely attended, the spacious hall
being nearly full, showing that the era of anniversaries of important
and useful societies, had by no means passed away.[118] In the absence
of the president, Mrs. Lucretia Mott, the chair was taken by Mrs.
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, First Vice-President. Rev. Mrs. Hanaford, of
Massachusetts, opened the meeting with prayer.

LUCY STONE presented verbally the report of the Executive
Committee for the past year, running over the petitions in favor
of woman suffrage presented during the year to Congress and State
Legislatures and the various conventions held in different parts
of the country, and remarked upon the greater respect now shown
to the petitions. Formerly, she said, they were laughed at, and
frequently not at all considered. This last year they were
referred to committees, and often debated at great length in the
legislatures, and in some cases motions to submit to the people
of the State an amendment to the State Constitution doing away
with the distinction of sex in the matter of suffrage was
rejected by very small majorities. In one State, that of Nevada,
such a motion was carried; and the question will shortly be
submitted to the people of the State. A number of important and
very successful conventions have been held in the Western States,
and have made a decided impression. But what is most significant
is, that newspapers of all shades of opinion are giving a great
deal of space to this subject. It is recognized as among the
great questions of the age, which can not be put down until it is
settled upon the basis of immutable justice and right. The report
was unanimously accepted and adopted.

Rev. O. B. FROTHINGHAM.--I am not here this morning thinking that
I can add any thing to the strength of the cause, but thinking
that perhaps I may gain something from the generous, sweet
atmosphere that I am sure will prevail. This is a meeting, if I
understand it, of the former Woman's Rights Association, and the
subjects which come before us properly are the subjects which
concern woman in all her social, civil, and domestic life. But
the one question which is of vital moment and of sole prominence,
is that of suffrage. All other questions have been virtually
decided in favor of woman. She has the _entrée_ to all the fields
of labor. She is now the teacher, preacher, artist, she has a
place in the scientific world--in the literary world. She is a
journalist, a maker of books, a public reader; in fact, there is
no position which woman, as woman, is not entitled to hold. But
there is one position that woman, as woman, does not occupy, and
that is the position of a voter. One field alone she does not
possess, and that is the political field; one work she is not
permitted, and that is the work of making laws. This question
goes down to the bottom--it touches the vital matter of woman's
relation to the State.... Is there anything in the constitution
of the female mind, to disqualify her for the exercise of the
franchise. As long as there are fifty, thirty, ten, or even one
woman who is capable of exercising this trust or holding this
responsibility it demonstrates that sex, as a sex, does not
disfranchise, and the whole question is granted. (Applause.) Here
our laws are made by irresponsible people--people who demoralize
and debauch society; people who make their living in a large
measure by upholding the institutions that are inherently,
forever, and always corrupt. (Applause.) Laws that are made by
the people who own dramshops, who keep gambling-saloons, who
minister to the depraved passions and vices of either sex, laws
made by the idler, the dissipated, by the demoralized--are they
laws? It is true that this government is founded upon caste.
Slavery is abolished, but the aristocracy of sex is not. One
reason that the suffrage is not conceded to woman is that those
who refuse to do so, do not appreciate it themselves. (Applause.)
As long as the power of suffrage means the power to steal, to
tread down the weak, and get the rich offices into their own
hands, those who have the key of the coffers will wish to keep it
in their own pockets. (Applause.)

The Committee on Organization reported the officers of the
society for the ensuing year.[119]

STEPHEN FOSTER laid down the principle that when any persons on
account of strong objections against them in the minds of some,
prevented harmony in a society and efficiency in its operations,
those persons should retire from prominent positions in that
society. He said he had taken that course when, as agent of the
Anti-Slavery Society, he became obnoxious on account of his
position on some questions. He objected, to certain nominations
made by the committee for various reasons. The first was that the
persons nominated had publicly repudiated the principles of the
society. One of these was the presiding officer.

Mrs. STANTON:--I would like you to say in what respect.

Mr. FOSTER:--I will with pleasure; for, ladies and gentlemen, I
admire our talented President with all my heart, and love the
woman. (Great laughter.) But I believe she has publicly
repudiated the principles of the society.

Mrs. STANTON:--I would like Mr. Foster to state in what way.

Mr. FOSTER:--What are these principles? The equality of
men--universal suffrage. These ladies stand at the head of a
paper which has adopted as its motto Educated Suffrage. I put
myself on this platform as an enemy of educated suffrage, as an
enemy of white suffrage, as an enemy of man suffrage, as an enemy
of every kind of suffrage except universal suffrage. _The
Revolution_ lately had an article headed "That Infamous Fifteenth
Amendment." It is true it was not written by our President, yet
it comes from a person whom she has over and over again publicly
indorsed. I am not willing to take George Francis Train on this
platform with his ridicule of the negro and opposition to his
enfranchisement.

Mrs. MARY A. LIVERMORE:--Is it quite generous to bring George
Francis Train on this platform when he has retired from _The
Revolution_ entirely?

Mr. FOSTER:--If _The Revolution_, which has so often indorsed
George Francis Train, will repudiate him because of his course in
respect to the negro's rights, I have nothing further to say. But
it does not repudiate him. He goes out; it does not cast him
out.

Miss ANTHONY:--Of course it does not.

Mr. FOSTER:--My friend says yes to what I have said. I thought it
was so. I only wanted to tell you why the Massachusetts society
can not coalesce with the party here, and why we want these women
to retire and leave us to nominate officers who can receive the
respect of both parties. The Massachusetts Abolitionists can not
co-operate with this society as it is now organized. If you
choose to put officers here that ridicule the negro, and
pronounce the Amendment infamous, why I must retire; I can not
work with you. You can not have my support, and you must not use
my name. I can not shoulder the responsibility of electing
officers who publicly repudiate the principles of the society.

HENRY B. BLACKWELL said: In regard to the criticisms on our
officers, I will agree that many unwise things have been written
in _The Revolution_ by a gentleman who furnished part of the
means by which that paper has been carried on. But that gentleman
has withdrawn, and you, who know the real opinions of Miss
Anthony and Mrs. Stanton on the question of negro suffrage, do
not believe that they mean to create antagonism between the negro
and the woman question. If they did disbelieve in negro suffrage,
it would be no reason for excluding them. We should no more
exclude a person from our platform for disbelieving negro
suffrage than a person should be excluded from the anti-slavery
platform for disbelieving woman suffrage. But I know that Miss
Anthony and Mrs. Stanton believe in the right of the negro to
vote. We are united on that point. There is no question of
principle between us.

The vote on the report of the Committee on Organization was now
taken, and adopted by a large majority.

Mr. DOUGLASS:--I came here more as a listener than to speak, and
I have listened with a great deal of pleasure to the eloquent
address of the Rev.



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