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DOUGLASS:--I came here more as a listener than to speak, and
I have listened with a great deal of pleasure to the eloquent
address of the Rev. Mr. Frothingham and the splendid address of
the President. There is no name greater than that of Elizabeth
Cady Stanton in the matter of woman's rights and equal rights,
but my sentiments are tinged a little against _The Revolution_.
There was in the address to which I allude the employment of
certain names, such as "Sambo," and the gardener, and the
bootblack, and the daughters of Jefferson and Washington, and all
the rest that I can not coincide with. I have asked what
difference there is between the daughters of Jefferson and
Washington and other daughters. (Laughter.) I must say that I do
not see how any one can pretend that there is the same urgency in
giving the ballot to woman as to the negro. With us, the matter
is a question of life and death, at least, in fifteen States of
the Union. When women, because they are women, are hunted down
through the cities of New York and New Orleans; when they are
dragged from their houses and hung upon lamp-posts; when their
children are torn from their arms, and their brains dashed out
upon the pavement; when they are objects of insult and outrage at
every turn; when they are in danger of having their homes burnt
down over their heads; when their children are not allowed to
enter schools; then they will have an urgency to obtain the
ballot equal to our own. (Great applause.)

A VOICE:--Is that not all true about black women?

Mr. DOUGLASS:--Yes, yes, yes; it is true of the black woman, but
not because she is a woman, but because she is black. (Applause.)
Julia Ward Howe at the conclusion of her great speech delivered
at the convention in Boston last year, said: "I am willing that
the negro shall get the ballot before me." (Applause.) Woman!
why, she has 10,000 modes of grappling with her difficulties. I
believe that all the virtue of the world can take care of all the
evil. I believe that all the intelligence can take care of all
the ignorance. (Applause.) I am in favor of woman's suffrage in
order that we shall have all the virtue and vice confronted. Let
me tell you that when there were few houses in which the black
man could have put his head, this woolly head of mine found a
refuge in the house of Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and if I had
been blacker than sixteen midnights, without a single star, it
would have been the same. (Applause.)

Miss ANTHONY:--The old anti-slavery school say women must stand
back and wait until the negroes shall be recognized. But we say,
if you will not give the whole loaf of suffrage to the entire
people, give it to the most intelligent first. (Applause.) If
intelligence, justice, and morality are to have precedence in the
Government, let the question of woman be brought up first and
that of the negro last. (Applause.) While I was canvassing the
State with petitions and had them filled with names for our cause
to the Legislature, a man dared to say to me that the freedom of
women was all a theory and not a practical thing. (Applause.)
When Mr. Douglass mentioned the black man first and the woman
last, if he had noticed he would have seen that it was the men
that clapped and not the women. There is not the woman born who
desires to eat the bread of dependence, no matter whether it be
from the hand of father, husband, or brother; for any one who
does so eat her bread places herself in the power of the person
from whom she takes it. (Applause.) Mr. Douglass talks about the
wrongs of the negro; but with all the outrages that he to-day
suffers, he would not exchange his sex and take the place of
Elizabeth Cady Stanton. (Laughter and applause.)

Mr. DOUGLASS:--I want to know if granting you the right of
suffrage will change the nature of our sexes? (Great laughter.)

Miss ANTHONY:--It will change the pecuniary position of woman; it
will place her where she can earn her own bread. (Loud applause.)
She will not then be driven to such employments only as man
chooses for her.

Mrs. NORTON said that Mr. Douglass's remarks left her to defend
the Government from the inferred inability to grapple with the
two questions at once. It legislates upon many questions at one
and the same time, and it has the power to decide the woman
question and the negro question at one and the same time.
(Applause.)

Mrs. LUCY STONE:--Mrs. Stanton will, of course, advocate the
precedence for her sex, and Mr. Douglass will strive for the
first position for his, and both are perhaps right. If it be true
that the government derives its authority from the consent of the
governed, we, are safe in trusting that principle to the
uttermost. If one has a right to say that you can not read and
therefore can not vote, then it may be said that you are a woman
and therefore can not vote. We are lost if we turn away from the
middle principle and argue for one class. I was once a teacher
among fugitive slaves. There was one old man, and every tooth was
gone, his hair was white, and his face was full of wrinkles, yet,
day after day and hour after hour, he came up to the school-house
and tried with patience to learn to read, and by-and-by, when he
had spelled out the first few verses of the first chapter of the
Gospel of St. John, he said to me, "Now, I want to learn to
write." I tried to make him satisfied with what he had acquired,
but the old man said, "Mrs. Stone, somewhere in the wide world I
have a son; I have not heard from him in twenty years; if I
should hear from him, I want to write to him, so take hold of my
hand and teach me." I did, but before he had proceeded in many
lessons, the angels came and gathered him up and bore him to his
Father. Let no man speak of an educated suffrage. The gentleman
who addressed you claimed that the negroes had the first right to
the suffrage, and drew a picture which only his great word-power
can do. He again in Massachusetts, when it had cast a majority in
favor of Grant and negro suffrage, stood upon the platform and
said that woman had better wait for the negro; that is, that both
could not be carried, and that the negro had better be the one.
But I freely forgave him because he felt as he spoke. But woman
suffrage is more imperative than his own; and I want to remind
the audience that when he says what the Ku-Kluxes did all over
the South, the Ku-Kluxes here in the North in the shape of men,
take away the children from the mother, and separate them as
completely as if done on the block of the auctioneer. Over in New
Jersey they have a law which says that _any_ father--he might be
the most brutal man that ever existed--_any_ father, it says,
whether he be under age or not, may by his last will and
testament dispose of the custody of his child, born or to be
born, and that such disposition shall be good against all
persons, and that the mother may not recover her child; and that
law modified in form exists over every State in the Union except
in Kansas. Woman has an ocean of wrongs too deep for any plummet,
and the negro, too, has an ocean of wrongs that can not be
fathomed. There are two great oceans; in the one is the black
man, and in the other is the woman. But I thank God for that XV.
Amendment, and hope that it will be adopted in every State. I
will be thankful in my soul if _any_ body can get out of the
terrible pit. But I believe that the safety of the government
would be more promoted by the admission of woman as an element of
restoration and harmony than the negro. I believe that the
influence of woman will save the country before every other
power. (Applause.) I see the signs of the times pointing to this
consummation, and I believe that in some parts of the country
women will vote for the President of these United States in 1872.
(Applause.)

At the opening of the evening session Henry B. Blackwell
presented a series of resolutions.[120] Antoinette Brown
Blackwell spoke, and was followed by Olive Logan.

Miss LOGAN said:--I stand here to-night full of faith, inborn
faith, in the rights of woman to advance boldly in all ennobling
paths.... In my former sphere of life, the equality of woman was
fully recognized so far as the kind of labor and the amount of
reward for her labor are concerned. As an actress, there was no
position in which I was not fully welcomed if I possessed the
ability and industry to reach it. If I could become a Ristori, my
earnings would be as great as hers, and if I was a man and could
become a Kean, a Macready, or a Booth, the same reward would be
obtained. If I reach no higher rank than what is called a
"walking lady," I am sure of the same pay as a man who occupies
the position of a "walking gentleman." In that sphere of life, be
it remembered, I was reared from childhood; to that place I was
so accustomed that I had no idea it was a privilege denied my sex
to enter into almost every other field of endeavor.

In literature also I found myself on an equality with man. If I
wrote a good article, I got as good pay; and heaven knows the pay
to man or woman was small enough. (Applause). In that field, for
a long time, I did not feel an interest in the subject of women's
rights, and stood afar off, looking at the work of those
revolutionary creatures, Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony. The idea
of identifying myself with them was as far removed from my
thoughts as becoming a female gymnast and whirling upon a
trapeze.



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