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Rev. GILBERT HAVEN, editor of _Zion's Herald_, was introduced,
and said--Ladies and Gentlemen: As I believe that is the way to
address you, or shall I merge you into one and call you fellow
citizens--

Miss ANTHONY--Let me tell you how to say it. It is perfectly
right for a gentleman to say "ladies and gentlemen," but a lady
should say, "gentlemen and ladies." (Great applause.) You mention
your friend's name before you do your own. (Applause.) I always
feel like rebuking any woman who says, "ladies and gentlemen." It
is a lack of good manners. (Laughter and great applause.)

Mr. HAVEN--I thank the lady for the rule she has laid down. Now,
Mr. Beecher has said that a minister is composed of the worst
part of man and woman, and there are wealthy men who say that the
pulpit should be closed against the introduction of politics, but
I am glad this sentiment is not a rule; I rejoice that the
country has emancipated the ministry so that a minister can speak
on politics. I go further than saying that it is the mere right
of the women to achieve suffrage. I say that it is an obligation
imposed upon the American people to grant the demands of this
large and influential class of the commonwealth. The legislation
of the country concerns the woman as much as the man. Is not the
wife as much interested in the preservation of property as her
husband? Another reason is, that the purity of politics depends
upon the admission of woman to the franchise, for without her
influence morality in politics can not be secured. (Applause.)

HENRY B. BLACKWELL presented the following resolution:

_Resolved_, That in seeking to remove the legal disabilities
which now oppress woman as wife and mother, the friends of
woman suffrage are not seeking to undermine or destroy the
sanctity of the marriage relation, but to ennoble marriage,
making the obligations and responsibilities of the contract
mutual and equal for husband and wife.

MARY A. LIVERMORE said that that was introduced by her
permission, but the original resolution was stronger, and she
having slept over it, thought that it should be introduced
instead of that one, and offered the following:

_Resolved_, That while we recognize the disabilities which
the legal marriage imposes upon woman as wife and mother,
and while we pledge ourselves to seek their removal by
putting her on equal terms with man, we abhorrently
repudiate Free Loveism as horrible and mischievous to
society, and disown any sympathy with it.

Mrs. LIVERMORE said that the West wanted some such resolution as
that in consequence of the innuendoes that had come to their ears
with regard to their striving after the ballot.

Mrs. HANAFORD spoke against such inferences not only for the
ministers of her own denomination, but the Christian men and
women of New England everywhere. She had heard people say that
when women indorsed woman suffrage they indorsed Free Loveism,
and God knows they despise it. Let me carry back to my New
England home the word that you as well as your honored President,
whom we love, whose labor we appreciate, and whose name has also
been dragged into this inference, scout all such suggestions as
contrary to the law of God and humanity.

LUCY STONE: I feel it is a mortal shame to give any foundation
for the implication that we favor Free Loveism. I am ashamed that
the question should be asked here. There should be nothing said
about it at all. Do not let us, for the sake of our own
self-respect, allow it to be hinted that we helped forge a shadow
of a chain which comes in the name of Free Love. I am unwilling
that it should be suggested that this great, sacred cause of ours
means anything but what we have said it does. If any one says to
me, "Oh, I know what you mean, you mean Free Love by this
agitation," let the lie stick in his throat. You may talk about
Free Love, if you please, but we are to have the right to vote.
To-day we are fined, imprisoned, and hanged, without a jury trial
by our peers. You shall not cheat us by getting us off to talk
about something else. When we get the suffrage, then you may
taunt us with anything you please, and we will then talk about it
as long as you please.

ERNESTINE L. ROSE: We are informed by the people from the West
that they are wiser than we are, and that those in the East are
also wiser than we are. If they are wiser than we, I think it
strange that this question of Free Love should have been brought
upon this platform at all. I object to Mrs. Livermore's
resolution, not on account of its principles, but on account of
its pleading guilty. When a man comes to me and tries to convince
me that he is not a thief, then I take care of my coppers. If we
pass this resolution that we are not Free Lovers, people will say
it is true that you are, for you try to hide it. Lucretia Mott's
name has been mentioned as a friend of Free Love, but I hurl back
the lie into the faces of all the ministers in the East and into
the faces of the newspapers of the West, and defy them to point
to one shadow of a reason why they should connect her name with
that vice. We have been thirty years in this city before the
public, and it is an insult to all the women who have labored in
this cause; it is an insult to the thousands and tens of
thousands of men and women that have listened to us in our
Conventions, to say at this late hour that we are not Free
Lovers.

SUSAN B. ANTHONY repudiated the resolution on the same ground as
Mrs. Rose, and said this howl came from those men who knew that
when women got their rights they would be able to live honestly:
no longer be compelled to sell themselves for bread, either in or
out of marriage.

Mrs. Dr. L. S. BATCHELDER, a delegate appointed by the Boston
Working Women's Association, said that she represented ten
thousand working women of New England, and they had instructed
her as their representative to introduce a resolution looking to
the amelioration of the condition of the working women.

Senator WILSON spoke as follows: This is a rather new place for
me to stand, and yet I am very glad to say that I have no new
views in regard to this question. I learned fifteen or twenty
years ago something about this reform in its earliest days, when
the excellent people, who have labored so long with so much
earnestness and fidelity, first launched it before the country. I
never knew the time in the last fifteen or twenty years that I
was not ready to give my wife the right to vote if she wanted it.
I believe in the Declaration of Independence in its full scope
and meaning; believing it was born of Christianity; that it came
from the teachings of the New Testament; and I am willing to
trust the New Testament and the Declaration of Independence
anywhere on God's earth, and to adopt their doctrine in the
fullest and broadest manner. I do not know that all the good in
the world will be accomplished when the women of the United
States have the right to vote. But it is sure to come. Truth is
truth, and will stand.

Mrs. ERNESTINE L. ROSE referred to the assertion of the Rev. Mr.
Haven, that the seeds of the Woman's Rights reform were sown in
Massachusetts, and proceeded to disprove it. Thirty-two years ago
she went round in New York city with petitions to the Legislature
to obtain for married women the right to hold property in their
own names. She only got five names the first year, but she and
others persevered for eleven years, and finally succeeded. Who,
asked Mrs. Rose, was the first to call a National Convention of
women--New York or Massachusetts? [Applause.] I like to have
justice done and honor given where it is due.

Mrs. SARAH F. NORTON, of the New York Working Woman's
Association, referring to the former attempt to exclude the
discussion of the relations of capital and labor, argued that the
question was an appropriate one in any Woman's Rights Convention,
and proposed that some member of the New York Working Women's
Association be heard on that point.

Mrs. ELEANOR KIRK accordingly described the beginning, progress,
and operations of the Association. She also replied to the recent
criticism of the _World_ upon the semi-literary, semi-Woman's
Rights nature of the meetings of their associations, and
contended that they had a perfect right to debate and read
essays, and do anything else that other women might do.

Mrs. MARY F. DAVIS spoke in behalf of the rights of her own sex,
but expressed her willingness to see the negro guaranteed in his
rights, and would wait if only one question could be disposed of.
But she thought they would not have to wait long, for the Hon.
Mr. Wilson had assured them that their side is to be strongly and
successfully advocated. Every step in the great cause of human
rights helps the next one forward. In 1848 Mrs. Stanton called
the first Convention at Seneca Falls.

Miss ANTHONY: And Lucretia Mott.

Mrs. DAVIS: Yes, and Lucretia Mott; and I love to speak of them
in association. Mrs. Rose has alluded to the primary steps she
took, and there were Susan B. Anthony, Lucy Stone, Antoinette
Brown Blackwell, and Paulina Wright Davis, and a great galaxy who
paved the way; and we stand here to proclaim the immortal
principle of woman's freedom. [Great applause.] The lady then
referred to the great work that lay before them in lifting out of
misery and wretchedness the numbers of women in this city and
elsewhere, who were experiencing all the fullness of human
degradation.



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