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Samuel J.
May--Senator Carpenter--Professor Sprague, of Cornell
University--Notes of Mrs. Hooker--May Anniversary in New
York--The Fifth Avenue Conference--Second Decade
Celebration--Washington, 1871--Victoria Woodhull's
Memorial--Judiciary Committee--Majority and Minority
Reports--George W. Julian and A. A. Sargent in the House--May
Anniversary, 1871--Washington in 1872--Senate Judiciary
Committee--Benjamin F. Butler--The Sherman-Dahlgren
Protest--Women in Grant and Wilson Campaign.

Although with Charles Sumner many believed that under the original
Constitution women were citizens and therefore voters in our Republic,
much more bold and invincible were their claims when the XIV.
Amendment added new barriers to the already strong bulwarks of the
Supreme Law of the land.

The significance of these amendments in reference to women was first
seen by Francis Minor, of Missouri, a member of the legal profession
in St. Louis. He called attention to the view of the question,
afterward adopted by many leading lawyers of the American bar, that
women were enfranchised by the letter and spirit of the XIV.
Amendment. On this interpretation the officers of the National
Association began soon after to base their speeches, resolutions, and
hearings before Congress, and to make divers attempts to vote in
different parts of the country.

At a woman suffrage convention in St. Louis, October, 1869, the
following suggestive resolutions were presented by Francis Minor,
Esq., enclosed in the accompanying letter to _The Revolution_:


ST. LOUIS, Oct. 14, 1869.

DEAR REVOLUTION:--I wish to say a few words about the action of
the Woman's Suffrage Convention just held here. It is everywhere
spoken of as a complete success, both in point of numbers and the
orderly decorum with which its proceedings were conducted. But I
desire to call special attention to the resolutions adopted. When
I framed them, I looked beyond the action of this Convention.
These resolutions place the cause of equal rights far in advance
of any position heretofore taken. Now, for the first time, the
views and purposes of our organization assume a fixed purpose and
definite end. We no longer beat the air--no longer assume merely
the attitude of petitioners. We claim a right, based upon
citizenship. These resolutions will stand the test of legal
criticism--and I write now to ask, if a case can not be made at
your coming election. If this were done, in no other way could
our cause be more widely, and at the same time definitely brought
before the public. Every newspaper in the land would tell the
story, every fireside would hear the news. The question would be
thoroughly discussed by thousands, who now give it no
thought--and by the time it reached the court of final resort,
the popular verdict would be in accord with the judgment that is
sure to be rendered. If these resolutions are right, let the
question be settled by individual determination. A case could not
be made here for a year to come, but you could make one in New
York at the coming election.

Respectfully, FRANCIS MINOR.


THE ST. LOUIS RESOLUTIONS.

WHEREAS, In the adjustment of the question of suffrage now
before the people of this country for settlement, it is of
the highest importance that the organic law of the land
should be so framed and construed as to work injustice to
none, but secure as far as possible perfect political
equality among all classes of citizens; and,

WHEREAS, All persons born or naturalized in the United
States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are
citizens of the United States, and of the State wherein they
reside; be it

_Resolved_, 1. That the immunities and privileges of
American citizenship, however defined, are National in
character and paramount to all State authority.

2. That while the Constitution of the United States leaves
the qualification of electors to the several States, it
nowhere gives them the right to deprive any citizen of the
elective franchise which is possessed by any other
citizen--to regulate, not including the right to prohibit
the franchise.

3. That, as the Constitution of the United States expressly
declares that no State shall make or enforce any laws that
shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of
the United States, those provisions of the several State
Constitutions that exclude women from the franchise on
account of sex, are violative alike of the spirit and letter
of the Federal Constitution.

4. That, as the subject of naturalization is expressly
withheld from the States, and as the States clearly would
have no right to deprive of the franchise naturalized
citizens, among whom women are expressly included, still
more clearly have they no right to deprive native-born women
citizens of this right.

5. That justice and equity can only be attained by having
the same laws for men and women alike.

6. That having full faith and confidence in the truth and
justice of these principles, we will never cease to urge the
claims of women to a participation in the affairs of
government equal with men.

Extracts from the Constitution of the United States, upon which
the resolutions are based:

PREAMBLE, We, the people of the United States, in order to
form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure
domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense,
promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of
liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and
establish this Constitution for the United States of
America.

ARTICLE I. Sec. 2. The House of Representatives shall be
composed of members chosen every second year by the people
of the several States, and the electors in each State shall
have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most
numerous branch of the State Legislature.

[Illustration: Virginia L. Minor.]

SEC. 4. The times, places, and manner of holding elections
for Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each
State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may, at
any time, by law, alter such regulations, except as to the
places of choosing Senators.--[See Elliot's Debates, vol. 3,
p. 366--remarks of Mr. Madison--Story's Commentaries, Secs.
623, 626, 578].

SEC. 8. The Congress shall have power to establish a uniform
mode of naturalization--to make all laws which shall be
necessary and proper for carrying into execution the
foregoing powers vested by this Constitution in the
Government of the United States, or in any department or
officer thereof.

SEC. 9. No bill of attainder, or _ex post facto_ law shall
be passed.

No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States.

No State shall pass any bill of attainder, _ex post facto_
law--or law impairing the obligations of contracts, or grant
any title of nobility.--(See Cummings _vs._ the State of
Missouri. Wallace Rep. 278, and Exparte Garland, same
volume).

ARTICLE IV. Sec. 2. The citizens of each State shall be
entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the
several States. (The elective franchise is one of the
privileges secured by this section--See Corfield _vs._
Coryell, 4 Washington Circuit Court Reps. 380--cited and
approved in Dunham _vs._ Lamphere, 3 Gray--Mass. Rep.
276--and Bennett _vs._ Boggs, Baldwin Rep., p. 72, Circuit
Court U. S.)

SEC. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in
this Union a republican form of government. (How can that
form of government be republican, when one-half the people
are forever deprived of all participation in its affairs).

ARTICLE VI. This Constitution, and the laws of the United
States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, shall be
the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State
shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws
of any States to the contrary notwithstanding.

XIV. AMENDMENT. All persons born or naturalized in the
United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are
citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they
reside.

No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge
the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United
States.

At this same convention Mrs. Virginia L. Minor, President of the
Missouri State Association, in her opening address said:

I believe that the Constitution of the United States gives me
every right and privilege to which every other citizen is
entitled; for while the Constitution gives the States the right
to regulate suffrage, it nowhere gives them power to prevent it.
The power to regulate is one thing, the power to prevent is an
entirely different thing. Thus the State can say where, when, and
what citizens may exercise the right of suffrage. If she can say
that a woman, who is a citizen of the United States, shall not
vote, then she can equally say that a Chinaman, who is not a
citizen, shall vote and represent her in Congress.



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