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To-night we
are here to bow to conscience, not to caste. Susan B. Anthony,
the heroine of the hour, sustained by such brave souls as crowd
this platform, who for the last twenty years have worked without
fear and without reproach, deserves the thanks of millions yet
to be, for she is the hero, the champion of the same idea for
which Abraham Lincoln and half a million soldiers died. The
emancipation of man was the proposition. The enfranchisement of
woman was not the corollary to that proposition, but the major
premise.

John Stuart Mill, in his great book, "The Subjection of Women,"
denies the superior mental capacity of man when compared with
woman. The nineteenth century don't yield a blind assent to such
bosh as Tennyson's, "Woman is the lesser man." It would not do
for Madame de Stael to assert (for alas! it was too true
then--for the first Napoleon never read Rochefort's
"Marseillaise") that man could conquer, but woman must submit to
public opinion. To-day Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Anna E.
Dickinson take public opinion by storm, because they use the
everlasting logic of human rights. Woman has power enough
whenever fidelity, or truth, or genius are worshiped. She wants
authority. The will of the nation says, "She shall have it and
that speedily." We want and demand that Congress shall make a
loud "amen" to this clearly expressed will of the nation. The
civil rights bill did little good until you armed the African
with the ballot. Then the old master touched his hat to the new
citizen--his old slave. And why? Because he was a power in the
land. It is only Godlike to use power for humanity; and that is
the way we propose to use it. Congress must hear us--shall hear
us--because we speak in the voice of the people. And I speak to
you as a man, yes, and as a lawyer, when I tell you your boasted
amendments are the small dust of the balance till the XVI. is
written. Then we will have a country, never again clasping the
Bible with the handcuffs of slavery, but a land where we, men and
women alike, can worship a common God, before whom there is
neither Jew nor Greek, "white male" nor female, barbarian,
Scythian, bond nor free.

Mrs. WILBOUR remarked that she was fully aware of the truth that
humanity was a unit. She knew the day was coming when a woman
would be considered the equal of man. No disabilities to vote or
hold office should exist in a free country on account of sex or
color. She was anxious to know by what authority the word "male"
had been placed in the constitution, which governed woman as well
as man. Woman's rights were natural rights--nothing more or less.
She claimed the right of self-rule or self-government as a
natural right. Men were united in saying, "We have the right to
vote." She was not present to be an advocate of woman's rights,
whatever they may be, but of human rights. The largest giant had
no more rights than Tom Thumb. It was brain, not force, that
governed the world. A small hand was able to discharge a musket,
guide an engine, or edit a paper as well as a large one. The
womanly in nature should be expressed by woman, the manly by man;
the two were distinct, and could not be blended together without
spoiling the harmony of the whole. Society had to be governed by
the sacred right of self-government. How could a woman be
responsible for her deeds to God if somebody had control over her
conscience?

Mr. ALBERT G. RIDDLE believed that the question of universal
franchise would be tried before the grand tribunal of the world,
and, if not victorious, it would appeal and appeal again. The
question ought to be met squarely by the "masculines" as well as
by the women. He was an earnest advocate of woman's rights,
because he claimed the same rights for his daughters as for his
sons; he wanted for them the same atmosphere, the same public
opinion, the same prestige. Women were often heard to exclaim, "I
wish I were a man." This elucidates how keenly they feel their
position. Mr. Riddle spoke at length in favor of universal
rights, and his logical arguments attracted the admiration of all
who heard him.

Mrs. JOSEPHINE S. GRIFFING stated that the city clergy had
evinced a disinclination to attend the convention, as they could
not see any justification for the same in Divine revelation. She
read a letter from Bishop Simpson, in which he wished the
convention God-speed.

Senator POMEROY said he was in favor of the XVI. Amendment, and
he thought the best place in the world to try the experiment was
in the District of Columbia. They had tried negro suffrage in the
District, and it had proved a success and a benefit. There were
plenty of offices in the city that could be filled by capable and
now idle young ladies, which were at present filled by men
weighing two hundred pounds, who were able to do a day's work but
now received large salaries for little labor.

Rev. SAMUEL J. MAY proposed to test the ladies present as to
their ideas of suffrage. He asked that every lady in the house
who desired the ballot should hold up her hand. A few ladies
responded.

Mrs. STANTON stated that Mr. May had adopted a very bad manner of
submitting the question. She would, therefore, reconsider the
vote, and ask all ladies who opposed the XVI. Amendment to rise
from their seats, and those in favor to retain them. About
sixteen ladies arose, amidst great mirth and laughter.

THE CHAIR then announced that the meeting had expressed itself
largely in favor of female suffrage.

Madam ANNEKE, a German lady, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin, stated
that, being a foreigner, allowance should be made for her
defective pronunciation. If she could not speak the English
language, she could speak the language of the heart. She came
from the West, burdened heavily with petitions, signed by one
thousand residents of the State of Wisconsin. She would appeal to
her countrymen, Carl Schurz and Finkelnburg, to assist in this
last struggle for universal liberty.

The Rev. OLYMPIA BROWN addressed herself particularly to that
small minority of ladies who had expressed themselves opposed to
the XVI. Amendment. She admired their independence of character,
for it showed they were the kind of women that the friends of
woman suffrage wished to win over to their cause. She thought
them honest in their opinions, but prejudiced. It required strong
minds to combat against the common enemy--prejudice. They may
think they do not require this right, as they might be blessed
with comfortable homes, and be satisfied with the condition they
were in. A change might come--even to them, but if it did not,
ought they not to pity other women whose situation was less
comfortable than their own? She alluded to the idle lives of
young women, to which they were condemned by the customs of
society, and said Christianity demanded a useful life from every
woman as well as every man. This cause is the cause of the
civilized world, and will go on till the ballot is in the hands
of every American woman.

Mr. STILLMAN, of R. I., had no doubt that the result of this
agitation would be to secure the universal franchise of all
women. Women would be admitted to all colleges of the land, and
to the study of the arts and sciences.

Miss ANTHONY said that Senator Pomeroy's being here to advocate
woman suffrage, might be attributed to the fact that he had a
constituency to sustain him. Let the people of other States make
as strong an expression as Kansas, and their representatives
would quickly find their places here too. She wanted women to
emigrate to Wyoming and make a model State of it by sending a
woman Senator to the National capitol. She would go there, if she
had time, but her mission was in the States until this great
reform was accomplished. She desired women to become members of
the National organization, and to pay their dollar, or
twenty-five, or twenty-five hundred dollars. She requested the
Finance Committee to take their pencils and paper, and canvass
the hall for membership and money, commencing at the door, so as
to catch every fugitive. She invited all ladies who visit New
York to call at the Woman's Bureau, and her own sanctum, the
editorial rooms of _The Revolution_.

At the second evening session, letters[130] were read from Senators
Ross, of Kansas, and Carpenter, of Wisconsin.

Miss JENNIE COLLINS, of Lowell, Mass., addressed the meeting in a
speech of some length, which was broken by frequent applause. She
came to plead the cause of the working women, her associates. She
knew the dignity of the kitchen, many of whose occupants were the
daughters of refined and wealthy parents. If these girls could
tell their story to the ladies of Washington, they would not rest
till Congress had conceded to them their rights. The sufferings
of the factory girls could hardly be described; poor wages for
hard labor, in dirty rooms, shut out from bright sunshine, with
dreary homes, were but part of their misery. With a love of the
ennobling and beautiful, a natural taste for reading and study,
many of them were led astray from the path of virtue by the
artifices of men, often the sons of their own employers, and
nothing was done to prevent their fall.

The President announced that so great was the interest evinced, that a
third day's session had been arranged.

THIRD DAY--MORNING.--Among the large and fashionable audience present
were the Governor of Wyoming Territory, many Senators and Members of
Congress, as well as other distinguished persons.



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