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Woman was then too undeveloped to demand anything else.
But woman is full-grown to-day, whether man knows it or not,
equal to her rights, and equal to the responsibilities of the
hour. I want to be identified with the negro; until he gets his
rights, we never shall have ours. (Applause).

SUSAN B. ANTHONY: This resolution brings in no question, no
_ism_. It merely makes the assertion that in a true democracy, in
a genuine republic, every citizen who lives under the government
must have the right of representation. You remember the maxim,
"Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the
governed." This is the fundamental principle of democracy; and
before our Government can be a true democracy--before our
republic can be placed upon lasting and enduring foundations--the
civil and political rights of every citizen must be practically
established. This is the assertion of the resolution. It is a
philosophical statement. It is not because women suffer, it is
not because slaves suffer, it is not because of any individual
rights or wrongs--it is the simple assertion of the great
fundamental truth of democracy that was proclaimed by our
Revolutionary fathers. I hope the discussion will no longer be
continued as to the comparative rights or wrongs of one class or
another. The question before us is: Is it possible that peace and
union shall be established in this country; is it possible for
this Government to be a true democracy, a genuine republic, while
one-sixth or one-half of the people are disfranchised?

MRS. HOYT: I do not object to the philosophy of these
resolutions. I believe in the advancement of the human race, and
certainly not in a retrograde movement of the Woman's Rights
question; but at the same time I do insist that nothing that has
become obnoxious to a portion of the people of the country shall
be dragged into this meeting. (Applause). The women of the North
were invited here to meet in convention, not to hold a Temperance
meeting, not to hold an Anti-Slavery meeting, not to hold a
Woman's Rights Convention, but to consult as to the best
practical way for the advancement of the loyal cause. To my
certain knowledge there are ladies in this house who have come
hundreds of miles, who will withdraw from this convention, who
will go home disappointed, and be thrown back on their own
resources, and form other plans of organization; whereas they
would much prefer to co-operate with the National Convention if
this matter were not introduced. This movement must be sacred to
the one object of assisting our Government. I would add one more
remark, that though the women of the Revolution did help our
Government in that early struggle, they did not find it necessary
to set forth in any theoretical or clamorous way their right to
equal suffrage or equal political position, though doubtless they
believed, as much as any of us, in the advancement of woman.

A LADY: I want to ask the lady who just spoke if the women of the
Revolution found it necessary to form Loyal Leagues? We are not
bound to do just as the women of the Revolution did. (Applause
and laughter).

LUCY N. COLEMAN, of Rochester, N. Y.: I wish to say, in the first
place, something a little remote from the point, which I have in
my mind just now. A peculiar sensitiveness seems to have come
over some of the ladies here in reference to the anti-slavery
spirit of the resolutions. It seems to me impossible that a
company of women could stand upon this platform without catching
something of the anti-slavery spirit, and without expressing, to
some extent, their sympathy with the advancement of human rights.
It is the Anti-Slavery women and the Woman's Rights women who
called this meeting, and who have most effectually aided in this
movement. Their hearts bleed to the very core that our nation is
to-day suffering to its depths, and they came together to devise
means whereby they could help the country in its great calamity.
I respect the woman who opposed this resolution, for daring to
say so much. She says that it is an Anti-Slavery Convention that
is in session. So it is, and something more. (Applause). She says
it is a Woman's Rights Convention. So it is, and even more than
that; it is a World's Convention. (Applause). Another woman (I
rejoice to hear that lisping, foreign tongue) says that our
sphere is so narrow that we should be careful to keep within it.
All honor to her, that she dared to say even that. I recognize
for myself no narrow sphere. (Applause). Where you may work, my
brother, I may work. I would willingly stand upon the
battle-field, and would be glad to receive the balls in my
person, if in that way I could do more for my country's good than
in any other. I recognize no right of any man or of any woman to
say that I should not stand there. Our sphere is _not_ narrow--it
is broad.

In reference to this resolution, Mrs. Halleck thinks it might be
well to leave out woman. No, no. Do you remember, friends, long,
long ago here in New York, an Anti-Slavery convention broke up in
high dudgeon, because a woman was put upon a committee? But that
Anti-Slavery Society, notwithstanding those persons who felt so
sensitive withdrew from it, has lived thirty years, and to-day it
has the honor of being credited as the cause of this war. Perhaps
if the principle which was then at stake--that a woman had a
right to be on a committee--had been waived, from the very fact
that the principle of right was overruled, that Society would
have failed. I would not yield one iota, one particle, to this
clamor for compromise. Be it understood that it is a Woman's
Rights matter; for the Woman's Rights women have the same right
to dictate to a Loyal League that the Anti-Woman's Rights women
have, and the side that is strongest will carry the resolution,
of course. But do not withdraw it. Do not say, "We will take it
away because it is objectionable."

I want the people to understand that this Loyal League--because
it is a Loyal League--must of necessity bring in Anti-Slavery and
Woman's Rights. (Applause). Is it possible that any of you
believe that there is such a being in this country to-day as a
loyal man or woman who is not anti-slavery to the backbone?
(Applause). Neither is there a loyal man or woman whose intellect
is clear enough to take in a broad, large idea, who is not to the
very core a Woman's Rights man or woman. (Applause).

MRS. HOYT: As I have said before, I am not opposed to
Anti-Slavery. I stand here an Abolitionist from the earliest
childhood, and a stronger anti-slavery woman lives not on the
soil of America. (Applause). I voted Yea on the anti-slavery
resolution, and I would vote it ten times over. But, at the same
time, in the West, which I represent, there is a very strong
objection to Woman's Rights; in fact, this Woman's Rights matter
is odious to some of us from the _manner_ in which it has been
conducted; not that we object to the philosophy--we believe in
the philosophy--but object to this matter being tacked on to a
purely loyal convention.... I will make one more statement which
bears upon the point which I have been trying to make. I have
never before spoken except in private meetings, and therefore
must ask the indulgence of the audience. The women of Madison,
Wisconsin, feeling the necessity and importance of doing
something more than women were doing to assist the Government in
this struggle, organized a Ladies' Union League, which has been
in operation some time, and is very efficient.

A VOICE:--What are they doing? Please state.

MRS. HOYT: In Madison we had a very large and flourishing
"Soldiers' Aid Society." We were the headquarters for that part
of the State. A great many ladies worked in our Aid Society, and
assisted us, who utterly refused to join with the Loyal League,
because, they said, it would damage the Aid Society. We
recognized that fact, and kept it purely distinct as a Ladies'
Loyal League, for the promotion of the loyal sentiment of the
North, and to reach the soldiers in the field by the most direct
and practical means which were in our power. We have a great many
very flourishing Ladies' Loyal Leagues throughout the West, and
we have kept them sacred from Anti-Slavery, Woman's Rights,
Temperance, and everything else, good though they may be. In our
League we have three objects in view. The first is, retrenchment
in household expenses, to the end that the material resources of
the Government may be, so far as possible, applied to the entire
and thorough vindication of its authority. Second, to strengthen
the loyal sentiment of the people at home, and instil a deeper
love of the national flag. The third and most important object
is, to write to the soldiers in the field, thus reaching nearly
every private in the army, to encourage and stimulate him in the
way that ladies know how to do. I state again, it is not an
Anti-Slavery objection. I will vote for every Anti-Slavery
movement in this Convention. I object to the Woman's Rights
resolutions, and nothing else.

ERNESTINE L. ROSE: It is exceedingly amusing to hear persons talk
about throwing out Woman's Rights, when, if it had not been for
Woman's Rights, that lady would not have had the courage to stand
here and say what she did. (Applause). Pray, what means "loyal"?
Loyal means to be true to one's highest conviction.



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