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What it is, we know
full better than others. We recognize its meagerness; we see in
it the timidity of politicians; but beyond and through it all, we
farther see its promise of the future. We see in it the thin
edge of the entering wedge which shall break woman's slavery in
pieces and make us at last a nation truly free--a nation in which
the caste of sex shall fall down by the caste of color, and
humanity alone shall be the criterion of all human rights. The
Republican party has been the party of ideas, of progress. Under
its leadership, the nation came safely through the fiery ordeal
of the rebellion; under it slavery was destroyed; under it
manhood suffrage was established. The women of the country have
long looked to it in hope, and not in vain; for to-day we are
launched by it into the political arena, and the Republican party
must hereafter fight our battles for us. This great party, this
progressive party, having taken the initiative step, will never
go back on its record. It needed this new and vital issue to keep
it in life, for Cincinnati indorsed its work up to this hour; the
constitutional amendments, the payment of the bonds in gold, the
civil service reform, the restoration of the States. It thanked
the soldiers and sailors of the Republic, it proposed lands to
actual settlers. The Republican party went up higher; it
remembered all citizens. The widows and orphans of the soldiers
and sailors were not forgotten; it acknowledged its obligation to
the loyal women of the Republic, and to the demands for
additional rights, of all women, whatever their class, color, or
birth, it promised "respectful consideration." Its second plank
declared that "complete liberty and exact equality in the
enjoyment of all civil, political, and public rights should be
established and maintained throughout the Union by efficient and
appropriate State and Federal legislation." These two planks are
the complement of each other, and are the promise of exact and
equal justice to woman. They were the work of radical woman
suffrage Republicans--of Wilson, Sargent, Loring, Claflin, Hoar,
Fairchild, and others. They were accepted by the candidates.
General Grant, in his letter, expresses his desire to see "the
time when the title of 'citizen' shall carry with it all the
protection and privilege to the humblest, that it does to the
most exalted." His course since his elevation to the Presidency
has always been favorable to increased rights for women. He has
officially recognized their competency, and has given them many
government positions. Senator Wilson is an old and staunch
advocate of woman suffrage, and his letter in pointed terms
refers to the recognition given woman by his party, and says, "to
her new demands it extends the hand of grateful recognition, and
it commends her demands for additional rights to the calm and
careful consideration of the nation." And, too, thus early in the
campaign, the strongest men of the party, among whom are Forney,
of the Philadelphia _Press_, Gerrit Smith, Bowen, of the New York
_Independent_, and President White, of Cornell University, speak
of this recognition as introducing a new era into politics.

While the old and tried Republican party in its platform and
candidates thus gives woman assurance that her claim to equal
political rights is to be respected, the other party in the field
gives her no promise either in its platform or the letters of its
nominees. The Liberal Republican party is a new party; it has no
record; it has done no work; it is wholly untried; it ignores
women; and by its silence in regard to the equal rights of
one-half of the people--the most important question now in the
political horizon--it proves itself unworthy of its name,
unworthy of woman's confidence, and unworthy of the votes of
truly liberal men. In regard to its candidates, Gratz Brown, once
our friend, has practically denied his record. Horace Greeley,
its chief nominee, has for years been our most bitter opponent.
Both by tongue and pen he has heaped abuse, ridicule, and
misrepresentation upon our leading women, while the whole power
of the _Tribune_ has been used to crush out our great reform. And
now that he is a candidate for election to the highest office in
the country, he still continues his bitter and hostile course
toward one half of its citizens. He presses the iron-heel of his
despotism upon their liberties; and, in answer to our appeals, he
says he "neither desires our help nor believes us capable of
giving any."

What can liberty expect from such a man? What can woman hope from
such a party? Women of the Republic, you can not in self-respect
give your aid to such nominees; you can not in self-respect work
for such a party. It has repulsed you, pushed you back, said to
you "go hence."

The Republican party, with Grant and Wilson as its
standard-bearers, opens its doors to you. By its fourteenth plank
it invites your aid and co-operation.

Shall it not have it? Women of the South, will you not work for
your own freedom? Women of the North, will you not strive for
your own enfranchisement?

There is a tide in the affairs of men
Which taken at the flood leads on to fortune.
But we must take the current when it serves our turn,
Or lose our ventures.

For us to-day this tide has risen; for us to-day the current
serves our turn. Let us lay aside our party preferences. Let us
one and all forget our many grievances of the past; let us forget
the many times we have been ignored, buffeted, and spurned by
politicians. Let us throw our whole influence of voice and pen
into this campaign, and in making it a success for the Republican
party, make it a success for ourselves.

And now an especial word to the Women Suffrage organizations of
the country. Prepare to hold mass meetings in all the large
cities of your States; be ready to co-operate with Republican
committees; send into the election districts your best women
speakers, circulate addresses and documents throughout every
school district; persuade fathers, brothers, husbands, and sons
to work and vote for Grant and Wilson; offer your own votes, as
in many election districts women's votes have already been
received and counted; in every possible way throw the whole
weight of your influence on the side of the Republican party. By
persistent, united action for one party during this Presidential
canvass, the women suffragists of the nation will make themselves
felt as a power by both.

Women speakers, do not hesitate, do not vacillate; let no party
or personal consideration bias you to act against the Republican
party at this momentous crisis. Remember we owe to it a debt of
gratitude that it has made for us this opportunity, that it has
thus launched our cause into the political arena, where it must
go on and on till justice and equality to woman shall at last
triumph in a true Republic; "a government of the people, for the
people, and by the people."

On behalf of the National Woman Suffrage Association.

SUSAN B. ANTHONY, President,
MATILDA JOSLYN GAGE, Chair. Ex. Com.
ROCHESTER, July 19, 1872.

The Congressional Republican Committee published thousands of this
appeal, and scattered them over the country. It also telegraphed to
the President of the National Woman Suffrage Association, to go to
Washington in order to consult with the committee as to what women
could do to aid in the coming campaign. Miss Anthony's plan was
cordially accepted, and liberal appropriations placed at her disposal
by both the National and New York Republican Committees for carrying
on a series of meetings.[150] The first of this series was at
Rochester, and was presided over by Hon. Carter Wilder, Mayor of the
city, the last in Cooper Institute, New York, at which meeting Luther
R. Marsh occupied the chair.

Mrs. Livermore and Mrs. Stanton, by special invitation of Republican
State Committees, also took part in the canvass in Connecticut and
Pennsylvania.


FOOTNOTES:

[127] Honorables Hamlin, Sumner, Patterson, Rice, Vickers, Pratt,
Harris, Cook, Welcker, Williams, Cowles, Bowles, Gilfillen.

[128] On Resolutions--Miss Susan B. Anthony, Dr. J. P. Root, Miss
Phoebe Couzins, Rev. Samuel J. May, Mrs. M. E. J. Gage, Mrs. Colby,
Mrs. Jacob Ela.

On Finance--Mrs. Paulina W. Davis, Miss S. B. Anthony, Mrs. B.
Lockwood, Mrs. M. Wright, Mr. Wilcox.

On Credentials--Mrs. Josephine S. Griffing, Mr. Stillman, Mrs. A. D.
Cridge.

[129] _Resolved_, That the National Woman's Suffrage Convention
respectfully ask the XLI. Congress of the United States--

First. To submit to the Legislatures of the several States a
XVI. Amendment to the Federal Constitution, prohibiting the
disfranchisement of any of their citizens on account of sex.

Second. To strike the word "male" from the laws governing the District
of Columbia.

Third. To enfranchise the women of Utah as the one safe, sure and
swift means to abolish polygamy in that Territory.

Fourth. To amend the laws of the United States so that women shall
receive the same pay as men for services rendered the government.

[130]
WASHINGTON, Jan. 19, 1870.

Miss SUSAN B. ANTHONY--DEAR MADAM:.... Accept my assurance of full and
cordial sympathy with the movement to extend the right of suffrage to
the women of the country, and my pledge to make that sympathy active
on the first and all occasions that may arise for my official action.

Very respectfully your obedient servant, E.



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