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A deep religious tone of loyalty to God and
Freedom pervaded the entire meeting. It was an occasion not soon to be
forgotten. Women of all ages were assembled there, from the matron of
threescore years and ten to the fair girl whose interest in the war
had brought to her a premature sadness and high resolve. But of all
who mourned the loss of husbands, brothers, sons, and lovers, no word
of fear, regret, or doubt was uttered. All declared themselves ready
for any sacrifice, and expressed an unwavering faith in the glorious
future of a true republic. The interest in the meeting kept up until
so late an hour that it was decided to adjourn, to meet the next
afternoon.


EVENING SESSION.

The evening session was held in Cooper Institute, Mrs. Stanton
presiding. An address to the President was read by Miss Anthony, which
was subsequently adopted and sent to him.

_The Loyal Women of the Country to Abraham Lincoln, President of
the United States._

Having heard many complaints of the want of enthusiasm among
Northern women in the war, we deemed it fitting to call a
National Convention. From every free State, we have received the
most hearty responses of interest in each onward step of the
Government as it approaches the idea of a true republic. From the
letters received, and the numbers assembled here to-day, we can
with confidence address you in the name of the loyal women of the
North.

We come not to criticise or complain. Not for ourselves or our
friends do we ask redress of specific grievances, or posts of
honor or emolument. We speak from no considerations of mere
material gain; but, inspired by true patriotism, in this dark
hour of our nation's destiny, we come to pledge the loyal women
of the Republic to freedom and our country. We come to strengthen
you with earnest words of sympathy and encouragement. We come to
thank you for your proclamation, in which the nineteenth century
seems to echo back the Declaration of Seventy-six. Our fathers
had a vision of the sublime idea of liberty, equality, and
fraternity; but they failed to climb the heights that with
anointed eyes they saw. To us, their children, belongs the work
to build up the living reality of what they conceived and
uttered.

It is not our mission to criticise the past. Nations, like
individuals, must blunder and repent. It is not wise to waste one
energy in vain regret, but from each failure rise up with renewed
conscience and courage for nobler action. The follies and faults
of yesterday we cast aside as the old garments we have outgrown.
Born anew to freedom, slave creeds and codes and constitutions
must now all pass away. "For men do not put new wine into old
bottles, else the bottles break, and the wine runneth out, and
the bottles perish; but they put new wine into new bottles, and
both are preserved."

Our special thanks are due to you, that by your Proclamation two
millions of women are freed from the foulest bondage humanity
ever suffered. Slavery for man is bad enough, but the refinements
of cruelty must ever fall on the mothers of the oppressed race,
defrauded of all the rights of the family relation, and violated
in the most holy instincts of their nature. A mother's life is
bound up in that of her child. There center all her hopes and
ambition. But the slave-mother, in her degradation, rejoices not
in the future promise of her daughter, for she knows by
experience what her sad fate must be. No pen can describe the
unutterable agony of that mother whose past, present, and future
are all wrapped in darkness; who knows the crown of thorns she
wears must press her daughter's brow; who knows that the
wine-press she now treads, unwatched, those tender feet must
tread alone. For, by the law of slavery, "the child follows the
condition of the mother."

By your act, the family, that great conservator of national
virtue and strength, has been restored to millions of humble
homes, around whose altars coming generations shall magnify and
bless the name of Abraham Lincoln. By a mere stroke of the pen
you have emancipated millions from a condition of wholesale
concubinage. We now ask you to finish the work by declaring that
nowhere under our national flag shall the motherhood of any race
plead in vain for justice and protection. So long as one slave
breathes in this Republic, we drag the chain with him. God has so
linked the race, man to man, that all must rise or fall together.
Our history exemplifies this law. It was not enough that we at
the North abolished slavery for ourselves, declared freedom of
speech and the press, built up churches, colleges, and free
schools, studied the science of morals, government, and economy,
dignified labor, amassed wealth, whitened the sea with our
commerce, and commanded the respect and admiration of the nations
of the earth, so long as the South, by the natural proclivities
of slavery, was sapping the very foundations of our national
life....

You are the first President ever borne on the shoulders of
freedom into the position you now fill. Your predecessors owed
their elevation to the slave oligarchy, and in serving slavery
they did but obey their masters. In your election, Northern
freemen threw off the yoke. And with you rests the responsibility
that our necks shall never bow again. At no time in the annals of
the nation has there been a more auspicious moment to retrieve
the one false step of the fathers in their concessions to
slavery. The Constitution has been repudiated, and the compact
broken by the Southern traitors now in arms. The firing of the
first gun on Sumter released the North from all constitutional
obligations to slavery. It left the Government, for the first
time in our history, free to carry out the Declaration of our
Revolutionary fathers, and made us in fact what we have ever
claimed to be, a nation of freemen.

"The Union as it was"--a compromise between barbarism and
civilization--can never be restored, for the opposing principles
of freedom and slavery can not exist together. Liberty is life,
and every form of government yet tried proves that slavery is
death. In obedience to this law, our Republic, divided and
distracted by the collisions of caste and class, is tottering to
its base, and can only be reconstructed on the sure foundations
of impartial freedom to all men. The war in which we are involved
is not the result of party or accident, but a forward step in the
progress of the race never to be retraced. Revolution is no time
for temporizing or diplomacy. In a radical upheaving, the people
demand eternal principles to stand upon.

Northern power and loyalty can never be measured until the
purpose of the war be liberty to man; for a lasting enthusiasm is
ever based on a grand idea, and unity of action demands a
definite end. At this time our greatest need is not in men or
money, valiant generals or brilliant victories, but in a
consistent policy, based on the principle that "all governments
derive their just powers from the consent of the governed." And
the nation waits for you to say that there is no power under our
declaration of rights, nor under any laws, human or divine, by
which _free_ men can be made slaves; and therefore that your
pledge to the slaves is irrevocable, and shall be redeemed.

If it be true, as it is said, that Northern women lack enthusiasm
in this war, the fault rests with those who have confused and
confounded its policy. The page of history glows with incidents
of self-sacrifice by woman in the hour of her country's danger.
Fear not that the daughters of this Republic will count any
sacrifice too great to insure the triumph of freedom. Let the men
who wield the nation's power be wise, brave, and magnanimous, and
its women will be prompt to meet the duties of the hour with
devotion and heroism.

When Fremont on the Western breeze proclaimed a day of jubilee to
the bondmen within our gates, the women of the nation echoed back
a loud Amen. When Hunter freed a million men, and gave them arms
to fight our battles, justice and mercy crowned that act, and
tyrants stood appalled. When Butler, in the chief city of the
Southern despotism, hung a traitor, we felt a glow of pride; for
that one act proved that we had a Government, and one man brave
enough to administer its laws. And when Burnside would banish
Vallandigham to the Dry Tortugas, let the sentence be approved,
and the nation will ring with plaudits. Your Proclamation gives
you immortality. Be just, and share your glory with men like
these who wait to execute your will.

In behalf of the Women's National Loyal League,

ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, _President_.
SUSAN B. ANTHONY, _Secretary_.

Rev. ANTOINETTE BROWN BLACKWELL: Possibly there maybe nations,
like individuals, that are without definite ideas or purposes.
They sprang into being by accident, and they continue to live by
the sufferance of circumstances. Our American Republic is not of
this type. We were born to the heritage of one great idea; we
were created by it and for it, and it is mightier than we; it
must annihilate us, or it must establish us a nation as lasting
as the ages.

Our ante-revolutionary statesmen were dissatisfied with an
inadequate, partial, unjust representation. The thought grew in
them till it developed the broad principle of self-government by
the people. They perceived and asserted that truth; they fought
for it, and died or lived for it, as the case might be.



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