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And, my friends,
if this could be done, our labors would be well nigh ended, and
those women who so desire might approach the polls unmolested,
leaving their sisters "who have all the rights they want" in the
comfortable security of homes made twice secure in that they are
guarded by the watchful care of the mothers as well as by the
courage of the fathers of the republic. That these noble women,
so intensely in earnest to secure the blessings of liberty to all
their posterity, and so deeply conscious of the heavy
responsibilities of such a trust, should have suspended their
claims during the season of our civil war, and have thrown
themselves into the contest for the rights of enslaved black men,
is only new proof, where none was wanting, of the unselfishness
of their nature, and the purity of their motive. But the war
being over, and a new million of black males being added to the
many million white males as rulers of the land, what do we find
to-day? Susan B. Anthony, the Garrison of the woman's rights
movement, not dragged by a rope round her neck, through the
streets of Rochester, precisely, but indicted for the crime of
attempting to vote for her rulers, she being an honest citizen of
the United States, and a tax-paying, law-abiding citizen of the
State of New York! Nevertheless, permit me, dear friend, to
congratulate you upon the immense progress in our work which this
indicates. It is but a little time since you and your illustrious
compeers were counted only worthy of jests and sneers or
contemptuous neglect. That you are called to-day to answer for
the crime of loving liberty too well, declares to us who are
watching your career, that the beginning of the end is close at
hand, that slavery is soon to cease, and reconstruction to begin
under the auspices of noble women not a few, and of the noble men
who have acted as a body-guard through all these years of
struggle.

I have heard that with your accustomed indomitableness you have
been attempting to instruct your possible jurors of the county
upon the just principles of personal liberty and a republican
form of government. But have you considered in doing this to what
an incompetent jury you are possibly consigning your case, and
with it the hopes of multitudes of your sisters, who, less
favored than yourself, in not actually having been allowed to
enter the sacred precincts of the polls, have put their trust in
you as in one who should not fail, sooner or later, to achieve a
victory for herself and for us all? Have you considered the
result of white male legislation for nearly one hundred years, in
elaborating a jury that must inevitably consist of fools or
knaves, and twelve of these to declare in unison upon a case of
which they have formed no previous opinion, though the papers
have rung with it, and you have lectured every night for more
than a month to crowded houses upon it? But even this difficulty
you are able to meet, and we leave our destiny in your hands with
unfaltering hope and faith, saying only, as many a time before,
God bless Susan B. Anthony.... In conclusion, let me urge upon
you, dear friends, one and all, that each man and woman of you
shall work for impartial suffrage as though the welfare of our
beloved country depended upon the devotion of each single life,
and the day is ours. I am now and always yours for liberty,

ISABELLA BEECHER HOOKER.


WASHINGTON, May 5, 1873.

MISS SUSAN B. ANTHONY:--Your favor requesting my opinion of the
recent decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, in
the New Orleans and Bradwell cases, was received yesterday. I had
not then seen those decisions, indeed they were not ready for
distribution until to-day. I have very hastily run over them and
only feel prepared to say that there is nothing in them
necessarily conclusive of the suffrage cases. The opinion of the
Court in the New Orleans cases is given by a bare majority, four
out of the nine justices dissenting, and the majority expressly
say: "We hold ourselves excused from defining the privileges and
immunities of citizens of the United States, which no State can
abridge until some case involving those privileges may make it
necessary to do so." This language leaves us entirely at liberty
to present the question whether suffrage is one of these
"privileges" to their consideration.

There are expressions in the dissenting opinions that upon the
rules of interpretation applied to any other subject than the
rights of women would indicate that the minority were fully
prepared to admit that the recent amendments to the
Constitution--the new _magna charta_ as one of the justices
styles them--recognized the right of suffrage in women. Justice
Field says: "That only is a free government, in the American
sense of the term, under which the inalienable right of every
citizen to pursue his happiness is unrestrained, except by just,
equal, and impartial laws."

Justice Bradley says: "The States have not now, if they ever had,
any power to restrict their citizenship to any classes or
persons. A citizen of the United States has a perfect
constitutional right to go to and reside in any State he chooses,
and to claim citizenship therein, and an equality of rights with
every other citizen, and the whole power of the nation is pledged
to sustain him in that right. He is not bound to cringe to any
superior, or to pray for any act of grace, as a means of enjoying
all the rights and privileges enjoyed by other citizens."

Such language on any other subject would be conclusive, but the
crust of custom and prejudice is hard and thick and strong, and
the heat of the lava of regeneration may not yet have weakened
it sufficiently to allow of its destruction and removal.

We will try to have our cases fully prepared for argument when
reached in the call of the calendar, which will be about next
January, and after doing our best in them will have to trust for
success if not in this in some other effort.

Very truly yours, FRANCIS MILLER.

Miss Anthony gave the incidents of her arrest and trial to an immense
audience in the evening, moving them alternately to laughter and
indignation. At the close of this convention a large reception was
given to the friends of woman suffrage by Dr. Clemence Lozier at her
hospitable home in 34th street, New York. Her spacious parlors were
crowded until a late hour. The occasion was enlivened with music,
readings, and short, spicy speeches.

The National Woman Suffrage Association held its fifth convention at
Washington in January, 1874. Before the arrival of the principal
actors, the hall was filled with spectators. Soon after 11 o'clock the
President, accompanied by a large number of speakers[155] and friends,
came on the stage. Many interesting letters were received[156] and a
series of resolutions[157] reported.

Mrs. Gage occupied the evening with an address on Judge and Jury. The
following brief sketch of the convention by Frances Ellen Burr is as
good a summary of the proceedings as we find.

(Correspondence Hartford _Times_,) WASHINGTON, Jan. 15, 1874.

The National Woman Suffrage Convention opened in Lincoln Hall
this morning with a full house.

Miss Anthony opened the meeting by reading the call, and then
briefly stated its purposes, which were to bring influences to
bear upon Congress that will secure National protection for women
in their right to vote. Black men are the only ones guaranteed by
the National Constitution in their right to vote. Women ask for
the same security. A letter from the Hon. E. G. Lapham, of New
York, puts a point in the closing paragraph to the effect that
the most degraded elector, who would sell his vote for a dollar,
or for a dram, couldn't be induced by the offer of a kingdom to
sell his right to vote.

Miss Anthony stated that the two articles of the woman suffrage
creed were: First, That every woman should get her vote into the
ballot box whenever she could get a judge of election to take it;
and wherever refused, should go just the same again next time.
Second, That all women owning property should refuse to pay
taxes. She read a memorial to Congress for "no taxation without
representation," the closing paragraph running as follows:

_Therefore_, We pray your honorable bodies to pass a law
during the present session of Congress, that shall exempt
women from taxation for national purposes so long as they
are unrepresented in national councils.

Mrs. Spencer has a case now pending in the Supreme Court of the
United States. She carried a suit for herself and seventy-two
other women who applied to be made voters and were refused. She
has prepared a petition for woman suffrage for the women of the
District of Columbia, on the ground, as Miss Anthony stated it,
that as "this little ten-mile square belongs to us all, if the
women here are enfranchised, those of the rest of the nation can
not long be shut out." As Congress has absolute control over the
District, no one can dispute its right to enfranchise the women
here, even though they dispute its control of this matter in
other parts of the nation. Miss Spencer submitted the following
petition for woman suffrage by the women of the district of
Columbia:

_Whereas_, The Supreme Court or the District or Columbia in
the ease of Spencer against the Board of Registration has
decided that by the operation of the first section of the
XIV.



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