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How is the voice of women on this
subject to be heard? Shall it be heard from that class only who
are satisfied with their protection, or shall the voice of the
weak and the starving be heard? There is no way for it to be
heard. We see it daily. You talk about degradation. One of the
great sources of the degradation of this country, one of the
great sources of the breaking up of families and destroying
society is your low groggeries and your gambling-houses and your
places of resort for bad men, that are tolerated in spite of your
laws and will be so long as men only vote. The women suffer by
these things; and that consideration alone has often made me
hesitate upon this question. I do believe that if the good women
of America could speak to-day they would reform many evils that
we wink at or allow to exist because we want the votes of the
parties who are committing these sins against society. I say let
the women have a voice; and when it is said that this is
ill-considered, that this is not the proper time, and that this
is too serious a business to be considered by the Senate of the
United States on this bill, I tell you society is marching on to
it, and as I remarked before, it will not be ten years before
there will be no voice in this Senate against female suffrage. It
is necessary for women, if they are to be protected in society
and not to be the prey of man, that they shall have the ballot to
protect themselves. It is the only thing in a free government
that can protect any one; and whether it is a natural right or an
artificial right it is nonsense to discuss. It is a necessary
right; it is necessary to freedom; it is necessary to equal
rights; it is necessary to protection; it is necessary for every
class to have the ballot if we are to have a square deal.

Mr. BOREMAN.--I had not intended to utter a word. I supposed the
bill would pass upon the report which was made by the committee.
I am inclined now to think that if it had not been for the
unfortunate, if I may say so, amendment offered by my friend from
California [Mr. Sargent] it would have passed long since. But
this question of woman suffrage is one upon which all our friends
probably do not desire to vote either one way or the other, and
it is a very convenient way to get rid of voting on the question
directly to lay this bill on the table. Fortunately that question
has been settled for the present, and I am glad the Senate has
seen fit not to lay the bill on the table.

Mr. EDMUNDS.--The Senator speaks about people not wishing to vote
on the amendment directly; and as I made the motion to lay on the
table I assume that he refers to me. I beg to disabuse his mind
on that subject, inasmuch as I am opposed to the amendment and am
perfectly free to vote against it, and in doing so I suppose I
represent, according to the latest advices I have, a very large
majority of the people of Vermont.

Mr. BOREMAN.--I agree with the Senator from Vermont on the
subject of woman suffrage myself.

Mr. EDMUNDS.--Then I hope the Senator will not suggest that I am
trying to dodge the question by moving to lay the bill on the
table.

Mr. BOREMAN.--Not at all. I did not allude to the Senator who
made the motion; and the remark I made was more intended to be
playful than serious. I simply thought that probably the bill had
enough friends to pass it if that subject was not mooted. I may
be mistaken. However, I shall be glad to have a vote on the bill
either with or without woman suffrage incorporated in it. I shall
vote against incorporating it, but if it is put there I shall
nevertheless be gratified to have the bill passed. I feel no
interest in it except as representing what I believe to be the
interests and wishes of those to be affected by it. I think the
circumstances are such as to justify Congress in organizing the
Territory, else as representing the committee I should not have
reported the bill. That is all I desire to say.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Anthony in the chair).--The question
is on the amendment of the Senator from California [Mr. Sargent],
upon which the yeas and nays have been ordered.

The Secretary proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. JOHNSON (when his name was called).--On this question I am
paired with the Senator from Alabama [Mr. Spencer]. If he were
here he would vote "yea" and I should vote "nay."

Mr. BOGY (after having first voted in the negative).--I rise to
withdraw my vote. At the time I voted I forgot that I was paired
with the Senator from Arkansas [Mr. Dorsey]. I should have voted
"nay" and he would have voted "yea."

The PRESIDING OFFICER.--The vote will be withdrawn if there be no
objection.

Mr. MORRILL, of Maine (after having first voted in the
negative).--It occurs to me that I am paired with the Senator
from Illinois (Mr. Oglesby). If he were here he would vote "yea"
and I should vote "nay." I ask leave to withdraw my vote.

The PRESIDING OFFICER.--Leave will be granted if there is no
objection.

The roll-call having been concluded, the result was
announced--yeas 19, nays 27; as follows:

YEAS--Messrs. Anthony, Carpenter, Chandler, Conover, Ferry
of Michigan, Flanagan, Gilbert, Harvey, Mitchell, Morton,
Patterson, Pratt, Sargent, Sprague, Stewart, Tipton,
Washburn, West, and Windom--19.

NAYS--Messrs. Allison, Bayard, Boreman, Boutwell,
Buckingham, Clayton, Conkling, Cooper, Davis, Edmunds,
Frelinghuysen, Hager, Hamilton of Maryland, Hitchcock,
Jones, Kelly, McCreery, Merrimon, Morrill of Vermont,
Norwood, Ramsey, Ransom, Saulsbury, Scott, Sherman,
Wadleigh, and Wright--27.

ABSENT--Messrs. Alcorn, Bogy, Brownlow, Cameron, Cragin,
Dennis, Dorsey, Fenton, Ferry of Connecticut, Goldthwaite,
Gordon, Hamilton of Texas, Hamlin, Howe, Ingalls, Johnson,
Lewis, Logan, Morrill of Maine, Oglesby, Pease, Robertson,
Schurz, Spencer, Stevenson, Stockton, and Thurman--27.

So the amendment was rejected.

The PRESIDING OFFICER.--The question now is on ordering the bill
to be engrossed for a third reading.

Mr. MORTON called for the yeas and nays; and they were ordered.

Mr. EDMUNDS.--I ask the chairman of the committee if the clause
still stands in the bill which authorizes all the male
inhabitants of that Territory to vote at the first election?

Mr. BOREMAN.--I think the Senator is mistaken about that.

Mr. EDMUNDS.--I am not asking whether I am mistaken or not; I am
asking if the clause remains as it stood reported by the
committee?

Mr. BOREMAN.--Yes, sir.

Mr. EDMUNDS.--That is enough for me.

Mr. RAMSEY.--There is nothing new in that.

The question being taken by yeas and nays, resulted--yeas 19,
nays 29; as follows:

YEAS--Messrs. Bogy, Boreman, Chandler, Clayton, Ferry of
Michigan, Flanagan, Harvey, Hitchcock, Jones, Kelly, Logan,
Mitchell, Patterson, Pratt, Ramsey, Sherman, Tipton,
Wadleigh, and Windom--19.

NAYS--Messrs. Anthony, Bayard, Boutwell, Buckingham,
Carpenter, Conkling, Conover, Davis, Edmunds, Frelinghuysen,
Gilbert, Hager, Hamilton of Maryland, Ingalls, Johnson,
McCreery, Merrimon, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont,
Norwood, Ransom, Sargent, Saulsbury, Scott, Sprague,
Stewart, Washburn, West, and Wright--29.

ABSENT--Messrs. Alcorn, Allison, Brownlow, Cameron, Cooper,
Cragin, Dennis, Dorsey, Fenton, Ferry of Connecticut,
Golthwaite, Gordon, Hamilton of Texas, Hamlin, Howe, Lewis,
Morton, Oglesby, Pease, Robertson, Schurz, Spencer,
Stevenson, Stockton, and Thurman--25.

So the bill was rejected.

Though the measure was lost, and the women sad under repeated
disappointments, yet the progress was noted with gratitude. In 1866
only nine Senators voted in favor of woman's enfranchisement after a
three days' discussion of the measure. In 1874, after eight years of
education, nineteen voted aye to the proposition.

The seventh Washington Convention was held January 14th and 15th,
1875, in Lincoln Hall as usual. Mrs. Stanton opened the proceedings by
stating that owing to the death of the President of the association,
Martha C. Wright, the duties of presiding officer devolved upon her.
After paying a well-merited tribute to her noble coadjutor, she said
that many of their noblest friends had passed away. Among them Dr.
Harriot K. Hunt, Hon. Gerrit Smith, and Rev. Beriah Green.

This meeting comes at a most auspicious moment, when the entire Nation
is wide awake to the rights of self-government now being trampled on
in Louisiana. At such a crisis it would seem that liberty-loving
statesmen might easily be converted to the idea of universal suffrage.
On every principle that they now demand self-government for the people
of Louisiana, they should extend the right of suffrage to the women of
that State now in so unsettled a condition. The annual report and
resolutions were discussed and speeches made by Miss Anthony and Mrs.
Blake during the morning session. Letters were read from Robert Dale
Owen, of Philadelphia, Rev. O. B. Frothingham, of New York, Paulina
Wright Davis, of Providence, Dr. J. C. Jackson, of Dansville, N. Y.,
and Abby Smith, of Glastonbury, Conn. Miss Couzins' speech in the
evening on the "Social Trinity" was a touching appeal for woman's
moral, spiritual, and ęsthetic influence on humanity at large. Miss
Carrie Burnham made an interesting argument showing that the
disabilities of women might be directly traced to papal decrees; to
the canon rather than the civil law.



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