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Whether the Marshal has been ordered by the National
Government to omit the names of women, we do not know, and it
does not signify. The duty of the United States is none the less
clear; the Territories are in an especial way the wards of the
nation, and should be protected in all territorial rights. The
Territory of Wyoming having secured to women the exercise of
their right to vote, it is the duty of the General Government to
protect them in the exercise of all concomitant rights, of which
the jury is one.

This deprivation of jury rights in Wyoming is not only an United
States interference with woman's political rights, but also an
interference with her industrial rights. It is a well-known fact
that some women earned their first independent dollar by sitting
in the jury box. And whatever interferes with woman's industrial
rights helps to send her down to those depths where want of bread
has forced so many women: into the gutters of shame. This is a
question of morality as well as of industrial and political
rights. Every infringement of a person's political rights,
touches a hundred other rights adversely. Let me show you one
good that has come to woman through her ballot in Wyoming. The
payment of men and women teachers has been equalized by direct
statute, for political power always benefits the parties holding
it.

Let us look at a few other ways in which the United States has
touched the rights of women where protection has been secured her
by legislation outside of itself. One instance that has come to
my knowledge since I have been in your city, is in the case of
pensions for colored women. The United States not only secured
the ballot to the black male citizen outside of State authority,
but it has touched the family relation with its powerful hand. It
has assumed that the woman with whom a colored soldier was living
at the time of his death was his wife, notwithstanding he may
have lived for many years in recognized married relations with
another woman, and become the father of children by her during
this period. In one case coming under the cognizance of our
Washington lawyer, Mrs. Lockwood, a pension was, by United States
authority, thus granted to a woman living with such colored
soldier at the time of his death, although she had no other claim
upon it. This soldier, during the period of slavery, had been
married in his master's house to another woman by a regularly
ordained clergyman, and by that wife had become the father of
five or six children. This woman was his lawful widow, according
to State and church law. These children were his lawful children,
according to State and church law, but the United States stepped
in, and made this married woman an outcast, and left her children
in the world with the brand of illegitimacy. The women of the
Territories of Wyoming and Utah are not secure in their political
rights, because the women of the Nation have none. Scarcely a
session of Congress but some politician introduces a bill to
disfranchise the women of these Territories.

In regard to the religious aspects of this Utah question. I care
for it only so far as it touches woman's political rights,
although I do know that woman's political wrongs and her
religious wrongs have been very closely intermingled in the past.
I recall a Papal Bull of Urban II., in the 12th century, which
compelled priests to discard their wives, making of thousands of
women in England, wives who were not wed; of children, offspring
who had no recognized fathers. We of the National Woman Suffrage
Association have nothing to do with the religious rights of women
in Utah, except in so far as they intermingle with and touch
woman's political rights. But the Utah question, which now comes
up again, is not simply a religious question. The Government is
continuously striving to destroy the political rights of the
women of this Territory. Its Governor is a United States officer,
and in his last report to the Secretary of the Interior, he so
far transcended the duties of his office as to suggest the
disfranchisement of Utah women. Almost every session of Congress
sees some bill of similar import introduced.

The General Government did not confer this right, did not secure
even the exercise of it. The territorial Legislature, the same as
in Wyoming, secured to women the exercise of the right of
suffrage; the United States, according to its own theory, has no
authority to interfere with this right, because, according to
that theory, it has nothing at all to do with the suffrage
question. Yet it proposes to disfranchise those women as a
punishment for their religious belief; it proposes to make social
outcasts of them, as it has already done with the wives of some
of its black soldier voters.

Looking back through history we find no act of the Romish Church
more vile than that which compelled its priests to disown their
wives and legitimate children--none which so utterly demoralized
society, and destroyed its tens of thousands of women. And
although, as a body of reformers, I again say we do not touch
religion except where it, and politics together, infringe upon
the rights of women, I do not hesitate to say for myself
individually, that I have no faith in any form of religion, be it
what it may, Christian, Mohammedan, Buddhist, that receives
revelation only through some man; or farther than that, I will
say, I have no faith in any form of religion that does not place
man and woman on an exact equality of religious rights. Two forms
of religion of the present day which have risen through woman, or
as revelations to her, namely the Shaker and the Spiritual, do
give us equality of religious rights, for man and woman. But I
call your attention to the inconsistency of United States laws,
and their especial injustice to women by interference with those
rights secured them by State or Territorial laws, as in case of
the colored soldier's wife; as in case the assumption that the
United States had a right to prohibit the exercise of the
suffrage by a woman in New York, although New York itself did not
interfere; as in case of the virtual prohibition by the United
States of jury rights to the women of Wyoming; as in case of the
presumptuous suggestion of the Governor of Utah that its women
should be disfranchised; as in case of such bills so often
introduced in Congress.

I know something of the opinion of the women of the Nation, and I
know they intend to be recognized as citizens secured in the
exercise of all the powers and rights of citizens. If this
security has not come under the XIV. Amendment, it must come
under a XVI., for woman intends to possess "equal personal rights
and equal political privileges with all other citizens." She
asks for nothing outside the power of the United States, she asks
for nothing outside the duty of the United States to secure.
Politicians may as well look this fact squarely in the face and
become wise after the wisdom of the world, for in just so far as
they ignore and forget the women of the country, in just so far
will they themselves be ignored and forgotten by future
generations.

The following review of this important case is from the January
number, 1876, of the _Central Law Journal_, St. Louis, Missouri:

WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN ITS LEGAL ASPECT--A REVIEW OF THE CASE OF MINOR
_vs._ HAPPERSETT, 21 WALLACE, U. S. REPORTS.

As a rule, respect should undoubtedly be paid to judicial
decisions. When the court of last resort has considered and
passed upon a question of law, especially if it be one involving
a consideration of constitutional power, as well as of private
right, it is eminently proper that its conclusion should not be
disturbed, unless for reasons of the gravest import. But cases
present themselves at times, in which criticism is not only
justified, but is demanded; and it is only through its aid that
the ultimate truth of any question can be reached and its
principles be correctly established. Nor can courts of justice
take exception to such criticism, since the reports abound with
evidences of the fact that there is no judicial immunity from
error; and we believe that if the glamour of supposed legal
impeccability, that shrouds the judiciary in the eyes of many,
could be removed, a public service would be accomplished. In the
case under consideration an important question of constitutional
law was involved, the construction of which affected not only the
plaintiff therein, but the entire class of persons to which she
belonged, while the decision extends it still further, and makes
it applicable to every citizen of the United States. Thus, while
the particular case may be ended, the entire community has an
interest in the conclusion announced. It is not our purpose to
consider the subject of suffrage as an abstract right; with this
aspect of it we have nothing to do in this article. We shall
treat it solely as a legal right. Under a government of law,
indeed, there are, properly speaking, no abstract rights. All
rights, of person or of property, are legal rights, and it shall
be our purpose to show that the right of Federal suffrage is
recognized in the Constitution of the United States, and
certainly no one will deny its practical exercise during nearly
ninety years. An inspection of the Opinion will show that the
whole matter was summed up in the question, whether suffrage is a
right or privilege appertaining to citizenship of the United
States, for if it be, then the plaintiff's suit was rightly
brought.



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