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I care for any
party only as it serves principles, and secures great National
needs. But the Republican party made itself a power by doing
justice to the negro. When the war was over and the
reconstruction of the South became necessary, the Republican
party was in the full tide of power, and had its choice of
methods and means. It was the golden hour that statesmanship
should have seized to reconstruct the Government on the basis of
the consent of the governed, without distinction of sex, race, or
color.

Mr. BLACKWELL addressed the Convention as follows:

He enumerated the different methods which have been proposed in
order to secure the suffrage for women, as follows: By a XVI.
Amendment to the Constitution, as suggested by the Hon. George W.
Julian; by an Act of Congress enfranchising women in the District
of Columbia, as advised by Hon. Henry Wilson; by Amendments to
the various State Constitutions, and by litigation for a broader
construction of the XIV. and XV. Amendments to the Constitution.
Mr. Blackwell said that all these methods are worth trying, but
thought there was a swifter and easier method, viz: to induce the
State Legislatures to direct that the votes of all adult native
and naturalized citizens shall be received and counted in the
Presidential election of 1872. This can be done, in Mr.
Blackwell's opinion, under the first section of the second
article of the Constitution, which says:

Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature
thereof may direct, a number of electors equal to the whole
number of Senators and Representatives to which the State
may be entitled in the Congress.

The great underlying mass of ignorance is always conservative.
Hence the difficulty of making constitutional amendments, and the
importance of employing an easier method. Let every man or woman
who believes in woman suffrage organize within their respective
States and endeavor to obtain such an act from their respective
Legislatures next winter, and let it be understood that the votes
of the woman suffrage party, both men and women, will be cast as
a unit within each State for the party which does this great act
of political justice.

GILES B. STEBBINS said: It has been stated that women don't want
the ballot. Well, suppose they don't. That is the very strongest
argument why they should be taught that they do. Fred. Douglass
said, "Show me a contented slave, and I will show you a depraved
man." We want duties and responsibilities shared equally by all,
that man may be more manly and woman more womanly.

Mrs. ELIZABETH K. CHURCHILL, of Providence, said: Can there be an
aristocracy meaner and more tyrannical than that of sex, by which
a wise, cultured, intelligent woman is made the inferior (for
that is what the denial of the ballot implies), the inferior of a
base, brutal, degraded man? The divine right of kings is an
exploded notion; it is time for the divine right of sex to follow
it. The chief value of the ballot is the educational power. He
who feels an interest in men and measures will soon feel a
responsibility. Everybody knows that women are no better than
men. They are no angels floating in an ethereal atmosphere. It is
the fashion sometimes to call them "angels," but I observe they
are no longer angels when they get aged. I don't know a more
unpleasant rôle to play than that of an aged angel. If it is said
that woman can't know enough to vote, I can only reply that God
made them to match men. But no standard of education was ever
fixed for the ballot; and if there had been one, it never could
exclude woman, any more than it could negroes.

Mrs. LIVERMORE left the chair for a short time to read a note
from a lady inquiring whether, if she thought the woman suffrage
movement was condemned in the New Testament, she would abandon
the movement. I think she said, that it is not the proper way to
put the question. If the question were put to me, If I thought
the woman's reform contrary to Christianity, would I throw it
overboard? I should answer, Yes, unhesitatingly; I should desire,
for one, to stop it; I should renounce it forever. What is it
that the woman's reform asks for woman? We ask for the ballot,
and we ask it simply because it is the symbol of equality. There
is no other recognized symbol of equality in this country. We ask
for the ballot that we may be equal to men before the law. The
very moment we obtain it the work of this association is done,
and it must get out of the way. Then new associations must be
formed to take the new work that will come before us, for when
the ballot is given to woman then the great work will begin. Then
comes the tug of war. For the obtaining of the ballot by woman is
but stepping up the first round of the ladder, whose topmost
round takes hold of perfection.

OLIVER JOHNSON moved that the resolutions reported in the morning
be voted on. The motion was carried, and the resolutions having
been separately read, passed unanimously with little discussion
till the last two were reached.

Mr. KILGORE, of Philadelphia, objected to the seventh resolution,
and said, if you don't want to cover this purpose with doubt and
uncertainty, which is always an evidence of weakness, claim your
right to vote under the XIV. and XV. Amendments to the
Constitution.

Mrs. LUCY STONE replied that we all believed we had a right to
vote under the original Constitution, as well as under these
amendments, but since there was great doubt whether woman
suffrage should be reached through these, she thought it best to
seek also for a XVI. Amendment.

OLIVER JOHNSON said he didn't want to be included in Mrs.
Blackwell's remark that the Constitution gives women the ballot.
He thought it not wise to agitate this question. The right to
vote under the Constitution can be reached only under a decision
of the courts, and while waiting for that you are diverting the
public mind from the true point at issue. Slavery had been put
down in such a way that it can never be reconstructed; but if it
had been put aside by a decision of the Supreme Court, a triumph
of the Democratic party might change the character of the Supreme
Court and reinstate it. He thought it wise to have the
resolutions as they were, so that persons of all shades of
opinions may vote for them.

Dr. MARY WALKER said that the fact of women attempting to vote in
Washington had done more for woman suffrage than all the
Conventions ever held. We want a declaratory law, she said,
passed by the Congress of the United States, giving women the
right to vote. This was the only way to save an immense amount of
labor in the different States.

DAVID PLUMB, of New York, advocated the seventh resolution. We
need a XVI. Amendment to settle woman suffrage on a firm basis.
After considerable debate the resolution was unanimously adopted.

The eighth resolution was then discussed, to which Mr. KILGORE
also objected, offering a motion that all the resolution coming
after the words "special social theories," be stricken out. He
was opposed, especially, to the introduction of the words "free
love." What was meant by them?

Mr. BLACKWELL said the Convention meant by the use of that phrase
exactly what the New York _Tribune_ of that morning meant, in its
statement that the woman suffrage movement was one for free love.

The PRESIDENT said this great movement was not responsible for
the freaks and follies of individuals. The resolutions simply
denied that this association indorsed free love, which certain
papers charged them with. After considerable discussion, the
resolution was adopted by the strong, decided and united voices
of nearly a thousand people, voting in the affirmative. At the
evening session of the Convention the great hall was filled
completely, not a seat on the lower floor being unoccupied, and
all the desirable seats in the gallery being taken.

MOSES COIT TYLER, Professor in the Michigan State University at
Ann Arbor, was the first speaker: The seaboard is the natural
seat of liberty. Coming to you from the inland, where the salt
breath of the Atlantic is exchanged for the sweet vapors of the
lakes, I say to you, look well to your laurels! What are you
seaboard people doing to vindicate your honor? We, in the
interior, have at least one National university which opens its
gates to the sex which has the misfortune to be that of Mrs.
Livermore, Mrs. Howe, and others. One of the keenest and
brightest minds of the law in the West animates the head of a
woman. In my own State of Michigan, at least two women have
succeeded in getting their votes into the ballot-box. These are
strifes in which good people may engage, and of the trophies won
in such a contest every modest man may boast. This deep,
national, resolute demand for a great right withheld, means that
woman is really a person, and not merely a lovely shadow. If you
can convince the majority of American men, and what is more, the
majority of American women, that woman is a person, you will have
the ballot to-morrow. We call woman an angel, and it is very easy
to do that, because the Constitution of the United States don't
take any account of angels. If all citizens who are masculine
have the right to vote, it is not because they are males, but
because they are persons who are members of the Nation.



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