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The distinctions which are made on account
of sex are so utterly without reason, that a mere statement of
them ought to be sufficient to secure their immediate correction.

For example, here are twins, a baby boy and girl; they rock in
the same cradle; the same breast blesses their baby lips; the
same hand guides their first tottering steps. A little later they
play the same plays, recite the same lessons and hold the same
rank as scholars. They ask admission to Harvard college. The boy
is received, and the girl refused. Can any one tell me a good
reason why? At twenty-one their father gives them each a house.
They both pay taxes on this real estate, but the young man has a
voice, both in the amount of tax and its use, all of which is
denied to the young woman. Can any one tell a good reason why?

They assume the marriage relation. The young husband can sell his
house, give a good title, convey his stocks, will his property
according to his pleasure, have the guardianship and control of
his children. The young wife can not sell her house, or give a
valid title; can not convey her stocks, or make a will of her
property with the same freedom that the husband can, has no equal
right to the control and guardianship of her children. Can any
one tell a good reason why?

The man becomes a widower, but the house, the land, the
furniture, and the children are all undisturbed. The woman
becomes a widow. The property is divided in fractions, the
contents of the cupboards and closets counted, valued, divided,
and the widow's thirds (commonly known as the widow's
incumbrance), are left to this woman. Can any one give a good
reason why there should be such a difference between the rights
of the widow and the widower? or why woman as a student, a wife,
a mother, a widow, and a citizen, should be held at such a
disadvantage?

The mere statement of the case shows the injustice, and the wrong
which needs to be righted. There is only one way to remove this,
and that is for woman to use her right to the ballot, and through
it, protect herself. Oh, men of St. Louis! will you not use the
power you hold, and the opportunity to make the application of
our theory of government sure as far as in you lies, to each
man's mother, sister, and daughter?

On motion of Mr. Blackwell, it was

_Resolved_, That the thanks of this Convention are extended
to the citizens of St. Louis for the kind hospitality they
have extended to the delegates of this Convention. Also to
the representatives of the press for the candid and
respectful reports which have appeared in the daily papers
of the city.

The American Woman Suffrage Association held an introductory
anniversary meeting Monday, October 13, 1873, in the large hall
of the Cooper Institute. A fine audience attended, the hall being
nearly filled. Fully two-thirds of this audience were men.
Colonel T. W. HIGGINSON, the President of the Association, said:

This is my last service as President of this association. Unlike
other bodies, it only has a man for that office every other year,
and this is the end of the other year. We meet here as a family,
men and women, each ready to do his or her share of the talk. We
stand here to speak neither for one nor the other, but for that
great movement which is to sweep through the land and arouse one
sex to its rights and the other to its duties. Not to arouse man
against woman, but in favor of the civilization which is to come.
It is more than twenty years since the Woman Suffrage Association
came up in an organized form. We entered into this movement with
no ideas of immediate success. We had behind us only a few years
of agitation after long centuries of prejudice and distrust.
Look through the long record of the great reforms of the world,
and what a series of delays and discouragements you find! It is a
history of defeats before victories. Men sometimes come to us
with sympathy because we have been defeated in this Legislature
or that convention. Sympathy! We thank heaven that it had got
there to be defeated; that we are strong enough to be in a
minority! Defeat is victory afterward. We have been defeated
again and again, and again, and each time we find ourselves
growing stronger.

Miss MARY F. EASTMAN, in an able address, stated the progress of
the movement in different States, and insisted on the right of
women to the exercise of the franchise, as a consequence of the
Declaration of Independence. The elective franchise was the
greatest blessing enjoyed by a free people, and the inability of
any class to exercise it indicated a description of servitude.
She said that the person was trying to erase God's finger mark
upon the human soul who would prevent anybody, man or woman, from
following natural bent and ability in any avocation. In the
founding of Harvard and other early colleges, some provision was
made for the education of Indians, but none for women. Already at
Yale and West Point colored men have a fair chance, not yet the
women. Miss Eastman thought that suffrage was the highway to all
other reforms.

Mrs. LUCY STONE said: _Mr. President, Fellow-workers, Ladies, and
Gentlemen:_--Our cause is half won when we find that people are
willing to hear it, as you seem to be willing to hear it now. One
of the best things we can have in meetings like this is to create
a discontent that women are not permitted to enjoy all their
rights. To-night while we are here, there are gathered in
Plymouth Church, women who are laying plans to take part in the
celebration of the Centennial, in 1876. At this point in the
speaker's remarks, some confusion arose from the entry into the
hall of about 200 young women.

Mr. DENNIS GRIFFIN rose and said these women were not the Cooper
Institute class; they were parasol-makers who had been forced out
of employment by their employers, and they had come, not as women
suffragists but as women suffering, to ask of the audience their
sympathetic support, and if when the lady had finished her speech
the audience would permit the President of this Association of
working women to speak from the platform, she would explain their
grievances.

Mrs. STONE then proceeded, saying that if one thing was surer
than another, it was that woman suffrage would help every
suffering sewing woman. It had been said that the ballot was
worth fifty cents a day to a man; and, if so, it was worth just
as much to a woman. All over the Union, as this night in Plymouth
Church, women were preparing to take part in the coming
Centennial to celebrate the Fourth of July, 1876. When she heard
this she asked herself what part women had in such a celebration?
Just as men were oppressed previous to 1776, so were women
oppressed to-day. I say that women should resolve to take no part
in it. Let them shut their doors and darken their windows on that
day, and let a few of the most matronly women dress themselves in
black and stand at the corners of the streets where the largest
procession is to pass, bearing banners inscribed, "We are
governed without our consent; we are taxed without
representation." The Declaration of Independence belonged to
men. Let them have their masculine celebration and masculine
glory all to themselves, and let the women, wherever they can get
a church, go there and hold solemn service and toll the bell. "It
will give us a chance for moral protest," she continued, "such as
we shall never have again, for before another hundred years it
must surely be that the growth of public sentiment will sweep
away all distinctions based solely on sex."

At the close of Mrs. Stone's remarks, the Chairman invited the
representative of the parasol-makers to state her case,
introducing her as Miss Leonard, of New York, President of the
parasol-makers.

Miss LEONARD advanced to the front of the platform, and appeared
to be much embarrassed at fronting so large an audience. The
hearty applause with which she was greeted assuring her of a
kindly reception, she became a little more at ease, and in a low
tone of voice spoke as follows:

_My Worthy Friends, Ladies and Gentlemen:_ I was not
prepared to meet an audience like this. In consequence of
being oppressed by our employers we were obliged to leave
their employ, because we can not earn our bread.
Consequently we held a meeting up stairs to-night, and
knowing that you were here we thought we would let you know
that there are hundreds of women suffering, not for the
ballot but for bread. I have never wanted the ballot. I
believe it belongs to the men who have it; but I come to ask
you in the name of humanity if there can be any society
organized that will repress the unscrupulous employers and
let the public know they are oppressing the poor girls. Men
are strong; they can get together and ask what they want;
they can organize in large bodies, but the working women are
the most oppressed race in the United States. I am thankful
to you, gentlemen and ladies (I should have put the ladies
first), for giving me your attention. I don't intend to
detain you long, because your meeting is here for a
different purpose, but I hope you will give me your
sympathies. I can not make you an eloquent speech, for I, as
a working woman, have had to labor eighteen hours a day for
my bread, and therefore have had no time to educate myself
as an orator.

HENRY B.



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