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Every _true woman_
must do her whole duty, and buckle on the strong armor of Faith, to
meet the enemy face to face. Let the traitors of the country hear our
voices, and let Southern tyrants tremble in their high places. Let the
prayers of the loyal women ascend to the throne on high. I trust you
may have a decidedly good meeting--one, too, that will be remembered
in future ages, when war and bloodshed shall have passed forever away,
and sweet peace shall reign again in our beautiful land. We long for
our brave brothers to return to their homes, but not till the Union is
restored, and the traitors receive their just punishment. My heart is
deeply engaged in the cause of human liberty and justice, and I have
given my all in the struggle.

I remain, yours respectfully, EMMA C. HARD.


RICHWOOD, _May 9, 1863_.

SUSAN B. ANTHONY--DEAR MADAM:--In _The New York Tribune_ of April 25,
1863, we observed that a National Convention of the Ladies' Union
League is to be held in the city of New York, on the 14th day of May.
We were truly gratified with this intelligence, and should be very
happy to be present on that occasion; but as that is among the
impossibilities, we deem it a great privilege to represent the
Richwood Ladies' Union League through epistolary correspondence. The
cause is glorious, and is calculated to elevate woman to a higher
sphere. Louder voices and holier motives urge us to duty as never
before. At the time _our_ Ladies' Union League was organized, we knew
not that there was another in the world, or that there ever would be.
Its infancy was feeble, as we must advance cautiously, if we would
surely; but it was as a city set on a hill. The good work is still
progressing.


INDIANA.

ANGOLA. IND., _May 6, 1863_.

MISS ANTHONY:--The call for a Convention in New York to express the
feelings of woman in view of the condition of the country, is timely.
I regret that I can not be present to share the inspiration of the
occasion, and as far as possible to aid in making an impression worthy
of the hour. We call this an alarming crisis because it is a struggle
involving our lives, our liberty, and our happiness. It must be borne
in mind that this nation is great not simply from the number of States
it has held in union, but from its creative genius. We are told that
this is the best expression of a republican form of government. It is
so because it is self-sustaining, self-reliant, and therefore may be
self-governing. The stern, smooth-faced Puritan fled from religious
persecution in the Old World to find room for an idea in the New; and
the planting of one religious idea has yielded a rich harvest of
sects, each an improvement on the last.

Yesterday politics had its center in a party; to-day, in the nation;
to-morrow, it will find an equilibrium in the individual. This is a
stern work, wearing furrows in the cheeks of statesmen, shaking the
frame-work of the Government, letting the blood and drinking the
treasure of the nation. It can not be avoided. God has said, "And unto
you a child is born," and his name shall be called Liberty, Equality,
Fraternity, the Holy of Holies, the Universal Republic. And as God
rested after the first creation, so shall this nation find its Sabbath
of rest when this struggle for freedom is over, and from the little
child to the bowed-down man, all shall breathe through the new
Constitution a fresher, more glorious life. Viewed from the daily
papers, the battle is long, terrific, and uncertain. Go to the
stricken hearthstones, and we exclaim, "Oh, that this cup might pass
from us!" Visit the solemn battle-field, and in anguish we murmur, "My
God, why hast Thou forsaken us?" Retiring to the high mountain of our
faith, we see in this painful view the magnitude of our cause, and
that slowly but surely this contest will end triumphantly. From this
point we mark the milestones that show we have made indelible
foot-prints toward Liberty and Union.

The choice by the people of a Republican President, the firing on
Sumter, the defeat at Manassas, the recognition of Hayti, the treaty
with England for the suppression of the foreign slave-trade, the
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, the decision of
Attorney-General Bates in favor of universal citizenship, the
conversion to the anti-slavery sentiment of Dickinson and Butler, the
President's Proclamation, and the arming of the blacks, are signs in
the political zodiac, showing our revolution certain as that of the
rolling suns in the material heavens. Only Liberty can be our
watchword henceforth! To this standard alone will the country, both
North and South, rally when a few more days of leadership are over.
God saw to this in the frame-work of every living thing, when He made
his wants to be a blessing with freedom and a curse without it. Open
the cage-door to the pining fox, loathing his master's beef and
pudding, and see if his instincts are not true as the needle to the
pole. Lay the sweet babe before the starved lion, and his want will
not bow to your compassion. So in slaves; it matters not whether
slaves to rebellion or to aristocracy. So in all men and in all women,
the want of liberty, as the want of bread, is a vital principle in the
blood. It is the motive power. Without it man is but a log, and is
suited to rule over frogs only; or, like the silent water, becomes a
loathsome stagnation. You may suppress, but you can not appease or
destroy this divine inheritance in man. On this uniform idea the laws
of society depend, and union can have no other. Raise the banner of
freedom to all, and you have an imperishable Constitution, supported
by the gushing blood of the millions, and immortalized in the spirit
of the nation. This is our work: To comprehend liberty, to establish a
constitution, and perpetuate union. We began at union, the right-hand
figure, borrowing ten, as in mathematics, from the next higher order,
observing the rule of maintaining an equal difference by paying what
is borrowed.

We saw that fighting for union and slavery left us just what we began
with. So we borrowed from the Constitution Fremont's Proclamation, and
carried the popular response to the next Congress, and under the
second period we wrote the liberty of three millions! We have now to
work out the main principle or highest order, to test the virtue of
the people, to see whether, when rebellion is put down, the nation can
survive; and there is now left us no escape from death or disgrace
except in the announcement of freedom as a principle. Do this, and you
have enlisted new recruits from men who will nobly dare to die, but
never will retreat. Do this, and the mothers of the country will
continue to lay their precious sons upon the altar, not as "Union
soldiers," as before, but as heroes of a new republic. Do this, and
woman, the subtle architect of society, will teach you how to walk the
very verge of death with an unflinching hope of life; her faith will
separate your light from darkness, truth from error, liberty from
slavery. She will demonstrate for you that self-reliance is the
condition of all creations, that as "the flower looks to no power
outside itself to unfold its tendrils and accomplish its mission," so
this nation is self-sufficient. In its warm beating heart lies its
folded banner, and each man and woman must unfurl it as the seaman
unfurls his sail. Nail Freedom to your banner, and it shall bring a
prostrate nation to its staff, and together with their loud applause,
"the morning stars shall sing, and all the sons of God shall shout for
joy."

JOSEPHINE S. GRIFFING.


_To the Meeting of Loyal Women to be held in New York the 14th of
May:_

MISS S. B. ANTHONY:--Not being able to attend your meeting, I desire
to convey to you personally my heartfelt appreciation of your work.
If, as the call implies, your object is to help create and keep alive
a loyal public sentiment, it is truly praiseworthy. This is what we
need--a public sentiment that will not tolerate disloyalty anywhere.
We want the rebel sympathizer to feel the society of intelligent women
a constant rebuke to their unfaithfulness; we want to go still
further, and make them feel that they can not be admitted to the
social circle of loyal women; we want to make them feel that we will
not patronize them in business relations; in short, that we will hold
no communion with them whatever, except it may be to reform them as
fallen brethren. As the Spartan mothers of old, as the mothers of the
Revolution, did not shrink from whatever of trial, of sacrifice, and
of toil was theirs to endure, so may we of the XIXth century, the
mothers of the soldiers of freedom, grasp heroically the sword of
truth, and wield it with a power that shall make the tyrant tremble.
It is not enough that we scrape lint, make hospital stores, knit
socks, make shirts, etc., etc.; all this we should do by all means,
but we have also other duties connected with this war. Let us endeavor
to perform them all faithfully. As the war is working out for woman a
higher and nobler life, while it is destined in the providence of God
to free the slave, it will also bring about in a great measure the
enfranchisement of woman. Let us prove that women are intellectually
and morally capable of laboring side by side with our brothers in the
great struggle, and heaven will bless our efforts.

Yours in the great work, MARY F. THOMAS.
RICHMOND, Ind., May 11, 1863.


PECOR, WABASH VALLEY, IND.

To the "Call for a meeting of the Loyal Women of the Nation," we most
heartily respond. It is precisely what is needed at this time. There
is a lack of enthusiasm here as elsewhere--not that our "Aid
Societies" are not quite flourishing: but that we do after the manner
of Miss Ophelia, "from a sense of duty." A lady says to me, "What more
can be expected of women if men fail to some extent in our military
affairs?" Well, they can arouse the smouldering fires of patriotism,
help to raise the trailing banner, and stand devotedly by the dear old
flag.



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