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I most sincerely hope
that some lady in your Convention will offer a resolution touching a
great wrong that has been practiced toward our sick and wounded
soldiers in some of the hospitals, namely, the neglect of the proper
officers to affix their signatures to discharges made out, in many
instances for a long time, until the hope of once more seeing the dear
ones at home has faded from the heart of the poor soldier, and he has
laid him down to die among strangers, when but for this cruel neglect
his life might, perhaps, have been spared to bless the dear ones at
home, or at least have given them the great boon of smoothing his
passage to the grave. I believe this thing has done much to discourage
enlistments. Is there no remedy? I leave it to those of more influence
and superior judgment to decide.

With sentiments of respect, I subscribe myself a loyal woman,

MARY C. POUND.


KANSAS.

QUINDARO, KANSAS, _May 4, 1863_.

MY DEAR MISS ANTHONY:--Your call to the loyal women of the nation
meets my hearty response. I have been feeling for months that their
activities, in the crisis which is upon us, should not be limited to
the scraping of lint and concocting of delicacies for our brave and
suffering soldiers. Women, equally with men, should address themselves
to the removing of the wicked cause of all this terrible sacrifice of
life and its loving, peaceful issues. It is their privilege to profit
by the lessons being taught at such a fearful cost. And discerning
clearly the mistakes of the past, it is their duty to apply themselves
cheerfully and perseveringly to the eradication of every wrong and the
restoration of every right, as affecting directly or indirectly the
progress of the race toward the divine standard of human intelligence
and goodness. _No sacrifice of right, no conservation of wrong_,
should be the rally-call of mothers whose sons must vindicate the one
and expiate the other in blood! Negro slavery is but one of the
protean forms of disfranchised humanity. Class legislation is the one
great fountain of national and domestic antagonisms. Every ignoring of
inherent rights, every transfer of inherent interest, from the first
organization of communities, has been the license of power to robbery
and murder, itself the embodiment of a thievish and murderous
selfishness.

That the disenfranchisement of the women of '76 destroyed the moral
guarantee of a pure republic, or that their enfranchisement would
early have broken the chains of the slave, I may not now discuss. Yet
it may be well to note that ever since freedom and slavery joined
issue in this Government, the women of the free States have been a
conceded majority, almost a unit, against slavery, as if verifying the
declaration of God in the garden, "I will put enmity between thee
(Satan) and the woman." Every legal invasion of rights, forming a
precedent and source of infinite series of resultant wrongs, makes it
the duty of woman to persist in demanding the right, that she may
abate the wrong--and first her own enfranchisement. The national life
is in peril, and woman is constitutionally disabled from rushing to
her country's rescue. Robbery and arson invade her home; and though
man is powerless to protect, she may not save it by appeals to the
ballot-box.

A hundred thousand loyal voters of Illinois are grappling with the
traitors of the South. If the hundred thousand loyal women left in
their homes had been armed with ballots, copperhead treason would not
have wrested the influence of that State to the aid and comfort of
the rebellion. If the women of Iowa had been legally empowered to meet
treason at home, the wasteful expense of canvassing distant
battle-fields for the soldiers' votes might have been saved. And it
would have been easier for these women to vote than to pay their
proportion of the tax incurred. Yankee thrift and shrewdness would
have been vindicated if Connecticut had provided for the
enfranchisement of her women by constitutional amendment, instead of
wasting her money and butting her dignity against judicial vetoes in
legislating for the absent soldiers' vote.

This war is adding a vast army of widows and orphans to this already
large class of unrepresented humanity. Shall the women who have been
judged worthy and capable to discharge the duties of both parents to
their children, be longer denied the legal and political rights held
necessary to the successful discharge of a part even of these duties
by men? With these few hasty suggestions, and an earnest prayer for
the highest wisdom and purest love to guide and vitalize your
deliberations, sisters, I bid you farewell.

C. I. H. NICHOLS.


BUSINESS MEETING.

_New York Tribune's Report of the Adjourned Business Meeting of the
Woman's Loyal National League, held Friday Afternoon, May 15, 1863._

The Business Committee of the Loyal League of Women, with a number of
ladies who take an interest in the formation of such a society, met
yesterday afternoon in the Lecture-Room of the Church of the Puritans,
for the purpose of agreeing upon some definite platform, and of
determining the future operations of the League.

MISS SUSAN B. ANTHONY, as President of the Business Committee, took
the chair, and at 3 o'clock called the meeting to order.

Mrs. ELIZABETH CADY STANTON rose to decline accepting the nomination
she had received on Thursday, as President of the League. She
could not pledge herself to unconditional loyalty to the
Government--certainly not if the Government took any retrogressive
step. As President of the National League, many might object to her on
account of what they termed her _isms_, her radical Anti-Slavery and
Woman's Rights, her demand for liberty and equality for women and
negroes. She desired the vote by which she had been made President
might be reconsidered.

Miss ANTHONY thought there were fears of the Government retrogressing
in the policy of Freedom. The question is every day discussed in the
papers as to what terms the South shall be received back again. She
could not be Secretary of a League which was pledged to unconditional
loyalty to the Government, until the Government was pledged to
unconditional loyalty to Freedom. Miss Anthony then read the following
pledge and resolutions, which had, on Thursday, been partially agreed
to:

THE PLEDGE.

We, the undersigned women of the nation, do hereby pledge ourselves
loyal to justice and humanity, and to the Government in so far as it
makes the war a war for freedom.

RESOLUTIONS.

_Resolved_, That we rejoice in the local Women's Leagues already
formed, and earnestly recommend their organization throughout the
country; and that we urge the women everywhere to take the highest
ground of patriotism--OUR COUNTRY RIGHT, not wrong.

_Resolved_, That we hail the Conscription Act as necessary for the
salvation of the country, and cheerfully resign to it our husbands,
lovers, brothers, and sons.

_Resolved_, That inasmuch as this war must bring freedom to the black
man, it is but just that he should share in the glory and hardships of
the struggle.

Miss ANTHONY explained what a National League was, and what business
and pecuniary responsibilities it entailed.

Mrs. ANGELINA G. WELD suggested that before entering on other matters,
the question of officers should be settled.

Miss ANTHONY:--Will some one put the motion?

Mrs. LOVELAND took the floor. She stated that she had come there the
day before with one idea--only one--and that she retained that one
idea still, and that was that the women of the nation should pledge
themselves to stand by the Conscription Act. Mrs. Loveland trusted
that the League would co-operate with the laws of the land, and
strengthen the hands of the President in his efforts to vigorous
prosecute the war. She thought the Government had made great advances
in the path of progress. If the pledge required the war to be waged
for freedom, that was all that was necessary. It would be desirable to
secure the experience and ability of Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony in
the offices to which they have been elected, she did not believe their
isms would do any hurt. They were earnest and efficient workers, and
the League needed them.

Miss WILLARD, of Pa., thought there was a way to get over the
difficulty. The pledge is conditional to the extent of requiring the
war to be a war for freedom. Miss Willard said she was a true patriot.
She loved her country. She had borne with its defects, though she
confessed she had sometimes desired to remove them. She believed in
sustaining the Government, though if Vallandigham should chance to be
elected President, she really didn't know what she should do.

Miss WILLARD seemed to think that the pledge offered would do under
the existing Administration. When there is a change, we can have
another League. She believed if the President was slow he was sure,
and that he was the Moses who was to lead this people to their
promised land of freedom.

Several desultory remarks were made in the audience. Presently an
elderly lady--a Mrs. Maginley--arose and expressed her opinions. She
had confidence in Mr. Lincoln, but denounced Gen. Banks, who, she
said, was a hero in one place and a slave-driver in another. As next
President, we may get a ditch-digger--(Mrs. M. evidently intended this
as a sly allusion to a distinguished military chieftain)--and then
what are we to do? She wished to know who, loving the black man, could
take this pledge?

Miss ANTHONY read the pledge over previous to putting it on its
passage. It was adopted without opposition.

Miss ANTHONY read the resolutions again.

Mrs. SPENCE asked if the Government had acted in a way to inspire
confidence. She was not satisfied with the Emancipation Proclamation.

Mrs. STANTON had faith that the Government was moving in the right
direction.

Mrs. SPENCE objected to Mr. Lincoln's grounds for issuing the
Proclamation.

Mrs.



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