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For what, let me ask, is to excuse them, if their want of
intelligence and activity should lead to a thorough corruption of
political morals such as we have seen in portions of our country
during a few years past. Will they not be among those who hide their
Lord's talent in the earth, and by and by come back with the little
morsel carefully wrapped up in a napkin, all beautifully embroidered,
it may be, and tender it back, saying, "Lo! there is thine own, take
it!" In this religious aspect women must come to consider the question
before it will become vital. Political action may give it a body, but
God only can breathe into it the breath of life that will constitute
it a living soul. Hence we see that without the best religious
sanction, little progress can really be assured. I am conscious that
my views are not identical with those of many who have reached the
same general conclusions; but as many are disposed to regard the
question from this standpoint, I have thought it best to express
myself with great frankness. With many regrets that I can not partake
in your deliberations,

I remain, truly yours, MRS. H. M. TRACY CUTLER.


1710 LOCUST STREET, PHILADELPHIA, _May 10, 1866_.

MY VERY DEAR SUSAN ANTHONY:--I fully intended coming to the
meetings--gave up Washington, made all my arrangements, packed my
bag--and stayed at home. Circumstances which I could not control, and
which I can't very well explain, put utterly out of my power the duty
and pleasure of coming. There's no use in saying how sorry I am, for
it would waste paper and time to state all my regrets. Suffice it to
declare that I have rarely been so extremely sorry and disappointed.

Affectionately and truly thine, ANNA E. DICKINSON.


OFFICE OF CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE FRIENDS OF THE MISSING MEN OF }
UNITED STATES ARMY, WASHINGTON, D. C.; _April 3, 1866_. }

DEAR MISS ANTHONY:--I am glad that my too kind and partial friends
have set me "right on the record." I am "with you," and with all who
labor for the advancement of humanity and the world through the
proper channels--the elevation of woman. You have my heart, my
sympathies (if needed), my prayers, and, best of all, my hopes, for
the success of your every endeavor; and my poor words you should have,
if they could add either strength or interest, but neither nature nor
art have contributed me anything in this direction. I sometimes work a
little, but it seems to me to be in the most common manner, and I am
sure I could not speak at all. But no one knows how happy I should be
to be present and listen to those who can; and if not prevented by
duties of a very pressing and positive nature, I shall indulge myself
so far. With assurances of the highest regard, believe me your friend,

CLARA BARTON.


NEWPORT, R. I., _May 14, 1866_.

MISS SUSAN B. ANTHONY--_Dear Friend_:--It has proved impossible for me
to attend the Convention; and I hope it is unnecessary, so far as my
own position is concerned, for me to renew my allegiance to the Equal
Rights movement. It seems to me the most glaring of logical
absurdities to apply the name of Universal Suffrage to any system
which does not include both sexes. It seems, in this point of view, a
righteous retribution upon American men, that the disfranchisement of
woman has put such a weapon into the hands of those who would
disfranchise the negro also. I must say, however, that a still greater
share of this responsibility rests upon American women, for it is
their unwillingness to ask for their rights which chiefly renders our
legislators unwilling to concede them.

Cordially yours, THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON.


A letter declining to speak at the Boston Equal Rights meeting, says:
"There has been a time when no one could do any better than I, to
speak in favor of women physicians, and then I was willing to come
forward and do my best. At present there are so many able and
eloquent, however, on the platform to advocate what we need--political
franchise--that I would appear presumptuous should I attempt to add
myself to the list. There is no other right which I want besides the
elective franchise, because the right to work on equality with man we
can obtain, with nothing but energy and firm will. My own case as a
physician illustrates that; while I am paying very nearly $400 taxes
(State and national), without the right to vote. These enormous taxes
come from money earned, dollar by dollar, on equality with men, and
yet there are all round me here many physicians of the stronger sex,
who do not pay half this amount of taxes, who vote and rule. I hope
before long a republic in the true sense of the word will be our share
in this glorious country. With sincere wishes for the best of results
in your present movement,

I am truly yours, M. E. ZAKRZEWSKA.


FREDERICK DOUGLASS,

In a letter, saying it would be impossible for him to attend the
Boston Equal Rights meeting on the 31st of May, says, "My best and
most earnest wishes for the success of your noble Convention. The
cause which it aims to subserve is the cause of the whole human
family, in a sense the broadest and most striking ever hit upon by any
other association."


WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON,

In a letter stating that ill health prevented him from attending the
National Woman's Rights Convention in New York, says: "In some way I
will try to express my warm and hearty approval of the Equal Rights
movement at the approaching meeting in Boston. I hail it with
gladness, and as of far-reaching importance. The time has fully come
to drop the phrase "Woman's Rights" for that of "Equal Rights."

The following appeal, written by Parker Pillsbury, was issued in
behalf of the American Equal Rights Association in the autumn of 1866:


APPEAL FOR UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE.

In restoring the foundations of the Government, Justice, as the chief
corner-stone, can alone secure a permanence of Peace and Prosperity.
The eighteenth century gave the World the Declaration of Independence,
the war of the Revolution, and the Constitution of the United States;
but only in the light of the nineteenth are these sublime phenomena
to be interpreted to us. From the Government, the civilization, and
religion of Great Britain, we derived our chattel slave system; but it
survived the pen of Jefferson, the sword of Washington, and the
wisdom, humanity, and statesmanship of the founders and framers of the
Government; and until far louder thunders than Bunker Hill and
Saratoga dashed it to the ground, and almost whelmed the Government
itself with it in a common ruin. And the terrible lessons of the late
war will all be in vain, should we now attempt to relay our
foundations in injustice and oppression. Out of the jaws of rebellion
and treason was the nation snatched by the hand of negro valor. And
thus, surely, has that race earned the right of full citizenship and
equality in the State. Even Jefferson declared, more than half a
century ago, that whoever "fights and pays taxes" has the right of
suffrage against the world. But the right of humanity, of manhood, is
older and of higher and diviner appointment than any other. If the
right of liberty and the pursuit of happiness be the gift and
endowment of the Creator, then surely is the right to the ballot the
only possible or conceivable assurance and guaranty of it in
republican governments. And on this ground the claim of woman is no
less than that of man. But base and degrading as has been the position
of the negro in the Government, that of woman is far lower. At no
price within human power to pay, can she arrive at equality in the
Government she is compelled to support and obey. In the making or
executing of no law, however deeply her womanly interest or happiness
may be involved, can she bear a part. She is found guilty, not of a
crime, not of a color, but of a sex; and all her appeals to courts or
communities for equality and justice, are in vain, even in this
democratic and Christian Republic. She is a native, free-born citizen,
a property-holder, taxpayer, loyal and patriotic. She supports
herself, and in proportionable part, the schools, colleges,
universities, churches, poor-houses, jails, prisons, the army, the
navy, the whole machinery of government; and yet she has no vote at
the polls, no voice in the national councils. She has guided great
movements of philanthropy and charity; has founded and sustained
churches; established missions; edited journals; written and published
invaluable treatises on history and economy, political, social, and
moral, and on philosophy in all its departments; filled honorably
professors' chairs; governed nations; led armies; commanded ships;
discovered and described new planets; practiced creditably in the
liberal professions; and patiently explored the whole realm of
scientific research; and yet, because in life's allotment she is
_female_, not male, _woman_, not man, the curse of inferiority cleaves
to her through all her generations. Eden's anathema was to be removed
on the coming of the second Adam; and in the new dispensation there
was to be neither male nor female. Jewish outlawry from all the
nations, continuing through almost twenty centuries, is repealed by
common consent among all civilized governments. Nor does the curse of
eternal attainder longer blast the Ethiopian race to degradation and
slavery, through Canaan's sin and shame. But where shall woman look
for her redemption in this auspicious hour, when new dawnings of
liberty, new sunrises of human enfranchisement are illumining the
world? A man once said, "where liberty is, there is my country." But
on what continent or island, or in what vast wilderness shall woman
find a nationality where she shall be taxed to support no government
she did not aid in making, obey no law she did not help to enact, nor
suffer any penalty until adjudged, by a jury, in part at least, of her
peers?



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