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Since you are compelled to union
with the North, remove every seed of future controversy. If you are to
share the future government of your States with a race you deem
naturally and hopelessly inferior, avert the social chaos, which seems
to you so imminent, by utilizing the intelligence and patriotism of
the wives and daughters of the South. Plant yourselves upon the
logical Northern principle. Then no new demands can ever be made upon
you. No future inroads of fanaticism can renew sectional discord.

The effect upon the North would be to revolutionize political parties.
"Justice satisfies everybody." The negro, thus protected against
oppression by possessing the ballot, would cease to be the prominent
object of philanthropic interest. Northern distrust, disarmed by
Southern magnanimity, would give place to the liveliest sentiments of
confidence and regard. The great political desideratum would be
attained. The negro question would be forever removed from the
political arena. National parties would again crystallize upon
legitimate questions of National interest--questions of tariff,
finance, and foreign relations. The disastrous conflict between
Federal and State jurisdiction would cease. North and South, no
longer hammer and anvil, would forget and forgive the past.
School-houses and churches would be our fortifications and
intrenchments. Capital and population would flow, like the
Mississippi, toward the Gulf. The black race would gravitate by the
law of nature toward the tropics. The memory and spirit of Washington
would be cherished; and every deed of genuine gallantry and humanity
would be treasured as the common glory of the republic.

Do you say that Northern Republicans would not accept such a
proposition? They can not avoid it. The matter is in your own hands.

In New Jersey (then a slave State) from 1776 to 1807, a period of
thirty-one years, women and negroes voted on precisely the same
footing as white men. No catastrophe, social or political, ensued. The
following is an extract from the New Jersey election law of 1797:

"SEC. 9. Every voter shall openly and in full view deliver his or her
ballot, which shall be a single written ticket containing the names of
the person, or persons, for whom he or she votes," etc.

Your Southern Legislatures can extend suffrage on equal terms to "all
inhabitants," as the New Jersey State Convention did in 1776. Then let
the Republicans in Congress refuse to admit your Senators and
Representatives, if they dare. If so, they will go under. Upon that
issue fairly made up, the men of positive convictions would rally
round the new and consistent Democratic party. The very element which
has destroyed slavery would side with the victorious South, and "out
of the nettle danger you would pluck the flower safety."

Respectfully yours, HENRY B. BLACKWELL.

NEW YORK, January 15, 1867.

* * * * *


SUPPRESSED PROCEEDINGS.

The Republican State Central Committee met last week in Leavenworth.
The Leavenworth papers published or pretended to publish the
proceedings of the Committee, but suppressed an important portion.
Fortunately, Mr. Taylor, the honest and able editor of the Wyandotte
_Gazette_, is a member of the Committee, and was present at the
meeting. From his paper we get the following that was for some cause
or other suppressed:

"Mr. Taylor offered the following resolution:

"_Resolved_, That the Republican State Central Committee do not
indorse, but distinctly repudiate, as speakers, in behalf and under
the auspices of the Republican party, such persons as have defamed, or
do hereafter defame, in their public addresses, the women of Kansas,
or those ladies who have been urging upon the people of Kansas the
propriety of enfranchising the women of the State.

"Whiting moved to lay the resolution on the table.

"_Ayes_--Whiting, Eskridge--2.

"_Noes_--Taylor--1.

"Taylor moved to strike the name of I. S. Kalloch from the list of
speakers in the Republican State Canvass.

"_Ayes_--Taylor--1.

"_Noes_--Whiting, Eskridge--2.


PROTEST OF MR. TAYLOR.

"The undersigned, a member of the Republican State Central Committee
of Kansas, protests against the action of the Committee this day had
so far as relates to the placing of the names of I. S. Kalloch, C. V.
Eskridge, and P. B. Plumb, on the list of speakers to canvass the
State in behalf of Republican principles, for the reason that they
have within the last few weeks, in public addresses, published
articles, used ungentlemanly, indecent, and infamously defamatory
language, when alluding to a large and respectable portion of the
women of Kansas, or to women now engaged in canvassing the State in
favor of impartial suffrage.

"R. B. TAYLOR.

"LEAVENWORTH, Sept. 18, 1867.


_Address by the Women's Impartial Suffrage Association of Lawrence,
Kansas._

TO THE WOMEN OF KANSAS:--At the coming election on the 5th of
November, questions of the greatest importance to every citizen of
Kansas, whether man or woman, will be presented for the action of the
people. Shall the right of suffrage be extended to negroes? Shall the
right of suffrage be extended to women?

The question of the enfranchisement of the negro now mainly occupies
the attention of the Republican party. Upon the same principle, viz:
that of equal rights and equal justice to all, we ask the ballot for
woman, and expect to obtain it.

One great obstacle that the advocates of female suffrage have to
contend with is the declaration on the part of many good and
intelligent women that they do not want to vote. They say they are
contented with their present condition; they have all the rights they
want, and do not need the ballot; and they will take no interest in
the matter, except to deprecate its agitation by women. Women of
Kansas, let us reason together for a little concerning this matter.

Honored wives and mothers, dwelling at ease in the comfortable homes
your husbands provide for you, declare you do not want to vote, and
would consider it almost a reflection on your husbands to desire such
a thing, do you consider yourselves capable of forming a correct
judgment in reference to any matter of public interest? You read the
newspapers and are familiar with the literature of the day, and pride
yourselves upon your general information and intelligence; can you
then form a judgment as to the justness of any law, or the character
of any candidate for office? Were any one to assert that you were not
capable of this, you would resent it as an insult.

But, say you, we feel no interest in public measures, laws,
candidates, etc.; our sphere, cares, and duties are at home. So
thought thousands of American women five years ago; but war, as the
result of public measures, laws and candidates, called from the
hearthstones and hearts of these same women, husbands, brothers, sons,
and slew them on the field of battle--in crowded hospitals--in rebel
prisons. Think you the women of America then had no interest in public
measures? Can it be that any woman who has given one of her household
to save our country will declare that she takes no interest in the
government and affairs of that country? Consider a moment whether you
have any interest in matters more immediately pressing upon our
attention. Is it of any importance to you whether the dram-shops be
closed or not? Perhaps your husbands are safe--above suspicion or fear
of temptation; but those little sons playing around your knee, that
young brother who is about to leave the paternal roof, when the hour
comes that they shall go forth into the world, is it of any concern to
you whether temptation meet them at every corner? Said a rumseller who
is bitterly opposed to female suffrage, "What more do you want? a man
can not now get license to sell liquor without the names of a majority
of all the women of the ward upon his petition." Very true, but mark
this, unless the women of Kansas obtain the ballot, that law will soon
be blotted from the statute book.

Again: the women of Kansas now vote on questions concerning the
erection of school-houses and matters pertaining to the facilities for
the education of their children. Where has this provision wrought
anything but good? How many school districts now have commodious
school-houses because the women of the district, who were mothers and
wanted schools for their children, outnumbered the men, who, though
large landholders, are not residents or had no children and did not
want schools? Can it be that any woman who has felt and wielded the
power for good that the ballot gave her, in this respect, will yet
declare that she does not want to vote?

If, then, you are capable of forming opinions on matters of public
interest, and if you admit that you are in some degree liable to be
affected by public affairs, in the name of Heaven, of Right, of
Home--in the name of Husband, Brothers, Sons, can you not--will you
not, give your voice in favor of right, and against wrong? Begin now,
if you have never done so before, to inquire into the character of our
law-makers, the justness of our laws, the regard our country pays to
the rights of all. If you do not feel the need of so doing for
yourselves, yet for the sake of generations yet to come, interest
yourselves, "that our officers may be peace and our exactors
righteousness." If you are in circumstances of ease and comfort,
because shielded from every rude wind by noble protectors--father
husband, son--yet listen to the cry of thousands of women less favored
than yourselves, whose natural protectors, as we style them, the
licensed dram-shop transforms into abusive tyrants, from whom they
must be protected, or who, being deprived of husband and father, cry
aloud of the injustice inflicted upon them in their dependent
condition by laws framed in unrighteousness. Listen, we say, to their
cry, and will you not desire, yea will you not demand the right to
give your voice on all these questions in the only way in which you
can effectually do so--the use of the ballot?



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