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They are therefore, so to speak, unlegislatable,
since they do not arise from the law, do not depend on the law, and,
not depending on the law, can not be abrogated by the law. Born of the
organic constitution of the individual, with the individual they live
and die, unless a tyrannical, unrighteous, and iniquitous law tears
them from him, and then he will have the right to protest forever
against this wrong and the iniquity of the law, and to rise against it
whenever he can. Well, my lords, the inalienable rights of the Cubans
have been torn from them by unrighteous, tyrannical, and iniquitous
laws." Would that Judge Hunt and all our judges might, ere long, take
the ground of this sublimely eloquent Spaniard, that natural rights
are "unlegislatable".... Would that my much esteemed friend, Judge
Hunt, had so far outgrown bad law and grown into good law, as to have
pronounced at your trial the disenthralment of woman, and thus have
set the name of Hunt in immortality by the side of the names of
Brougham and Mansfield, and others who have had the wisdom and the
courage to thrust aside false paper law and install in its place that
sovereign law which is written upon the heart and upon the very
foundations of human being! He does not doubt that they did right. He
honors them for having done as they did. Nor can he doubt that to deny
to woman all part in the making and executing of laws under which her
life and property may be taken from her is a crime against her, which
no paper law can sanction and which God's law must condemn.... This
worship of the Constitution!--how blinding and belittling! I would
that every judge who tends to this weakness (and nearly every judge,
yes, and nearly every other person tends to it) might find his steps
arrested by the warning example of Daniel Webster. This pre-eminently
intellectual man, whom nature had fitted to soar in the high sphere of
absolute and everlasting law, had so shrivelled his soul by his
worship of the Constitution that he came, at last, to desire no other
inscription on his grave-stone than his shameless confession of such
base worship. And all this, notwithstanding the Constitution was, in
his eye, the great bulwark of slavery!

Be of good courage and good cheer, my brave and faithful sister! I
trust our country is on the eve of great and blessed changes.... Best
of all, the ballot can not much longer be withheld from woman. Men are
fast coming to see that it belongs to her as fully as to themselves,
and that the country is in perishing need of her wielding it. If the
silly portion of our ladies will but cease from their silly
apprehension that the plan is to _make_ them vote whether they will or
no, and also cease from their ignorant and childish admissions that
they already have all the rights they want--then will the American
women quickly be enfranchised, and their nation will rapidly achieve a
far higher civilization than it is possible for any nation to arrive
at which is guilty of the folly and the sin of clothing man with all
political power and reducing women to a political cipher.

Cordially yours, GERRIT SMITH.


WASHINGTON NOTES.

BY GRACE GREENWOOD.

When I said that in the dull languor of our summer collapse we felt
none of your fierce Northern excitements, I should have excepted the
Anthony suffrage case. That touched nearly if not deeply. The ark of
the holy political covenant resting here--the sacred mules that draw
it being stabled in the Capitol for half a year at a time--the woman
who has laid unsanctified hands upon it, is naturally regarded with
peculiar horror. I did not take exception to the _Times'_ article of
June 19th on this case. It was mild and courteous in tone, and the
view taken of the XIV. Amendment plea seems to me the only sound one.
I certainly do not want to get into your political preserves by any
quibble or dodge. I want my right there freely granted and guaranteed,
and will be politely treated when I come, or I won't stay. The
promised land of justice and equality is not to be reached by a short
cut. I fear we have a large part of the forty years of struggle and
zigzaging before us yet. I am pretty sure our Moses has not appeared.
I think he will be a woman. Often the way seems dark, as well as long,
when I see so much fooling with the great question of woman's claims
to equal educational advantages with men; to just remuneration for
good work, especially in teaching, and fair credit for her share in
the patriotic and benevolent enterprises of the age. I do not say that
equal pay for equal services will never be accorded to woman, even in
the civil service, till she has the ballot to back her demand; but
that is the private opinion of many high Government officials. I do
not say that woman's right to be represented, as well as taxed, will
never be recognized as a logical practical result of the democratic
principle till the Democrats come in power. But it may be so. The
Gospel was first offered to the Jews, but first accepted by the
Gentiles.

In your article, fair as it was in spirit, you failed to touch upon
two points which struck me rather painfully. It seems that Judge Hunt,
after pronouncing a learned, and, I suppose, a sound opinion,
peremptorily ordered the jury to bring the defendant in guilty. Now,
could not twelve honest, intelligent jurymen be trusted to defend
their birthright against one woman? Why such zeal, such more than
Roman sternness? Again, in the trial of the inspectors of election,
why were both judge and jurymen so merciful? No verdict of guilty was
ordered, and the council of twelve who had seen fit to punish Miss
Anthony by a fine of $100 and costs, merely mulcted in the modest sum
of $25, each defenseless defendant sinning against light. Was it that
they considered in their manly clemency the fact that women have
superior facilities for earning money, or did they give heed to the
old, old excuse, "The woman tempted me, and I did register"?

It surely is strange that such severe penalties should be visited on a
woman, for a first and only indiscretion in the suffrage line, when a
man may rise up on election morning and go forth, voting and to vote.
If he be of an excitable and mercurial nature, one of the sort of
citizens which sweet Ireland empties on us by the county, he may
sportively flit about among the polls, from ward to ward, of the
metropolis, and no man says to him nay; he may even travel hilariously
from city to city, with free passes and free drinks--who treats Miss
Anthony?--making festive calls, and dropping ballots for cards, and
no disturbance comes of it--he is neither fined nor confined. So, it
would seem, "a little voting is a dangerous thing."

Say what you will, the whole question of woman's status in the State
and the Church, in society and the family, is full of absurd
contradictions and monstrous anomalies. We are so responsible, yet
irresponsible--we are idols, we are idiots--we are everything, we are
nothing. We are the Caryatides, rearing up the entablature of the
temple of liberty we are never allowed to enter. We may plot against a
government, and hang for it; but if we help to found and sustain a
government by patriotic effort and devotion, by toil and hardship, by
courage, loyalty, and faith, by the sacrifice of those nearest and
dearest to us, and then venture to clutch at the crumbs that fall from
the table where our Masters Jonathan, Patrick, Hans, and Sambo sit at
feast, you arrest us, imprison us, try us, fine us, and then add
injury to insult, by calling us old, ugly, and fanatical.

One is forcibly reminded of the sermon of the colored brother on
woman, the heads of which discourse were: "Firstly. What am woman?
Secondly. Whar did she come from? Thirdly. Who does she belong to?
Fourthly. Which way am she gwine to?"

The law and the Gospel have settled the "secondly" and "thirdly."
Woman came from man, and belongs to him by the mortgage he holds on
her through that spare-rib; but "firstly" and "fourthly" remain as
profound and unsolvable questions as they were before the Ethiopian
divine wrestled with them. But perhaps this troublous and perplexed
existence is our "be-all and end-all"; that in the life beyond, man
may foreclose that old mortgage and re-absorb woman into his glorified
and all-sufficient being.

I have never believed with Miss Anthony, that the XIV. Amendment was
going to help us. I have never accepted certain other of her theories;
but I believe in and accept her as a woman of intense convictions, of
high courage and constancy; and I don't like to hear her ridiculed and
abused. If anything can make me think meanly of my young brothers of
the press, it is the way they pelt and pester Susan B. Anthony. For
shame, boys! Never a one of you will make the man she is. Even some of
our Washington editors turn aside from the fair game. Providence, in
its inscrutable wisdom, has provided for them in the Board of Public
Works, to vent their virtuous indignation and manly scorn of the woman
they are determined shall stand in perpetual pillory in the
market-place of this great, free Republic.--_New York Times_.

The Washington, D. C., _Star_ says of Judge Hunt's opinion: "If his
views are to prevail, of what effect are the suffrage amendments to
the Federal Constitution."


[_The County Post_, Washington Co., N. Y., Friday, June 27, 1873].

NOT A VOTER.

The United States Courts have pronounced on Miss Anthony's case, which
she so adroitly made by voting last fall, in company with fourteen
others of her sex. The decision was adverse to the claim made by this
devoted friend of female suffrage, that as the Constitution now stood,
women had a right to vote. Accordingly the indomitable old lady was
found guilty of violating the law regulating the purity of the
ballot-box, and fined one hundred dollars and costs. A good many
journals seem to regard this as a good joke on Susan B, as they call
her, and make it the excuse for more poor jokes of their own. It may
be stupid to confess it, but we can not see where the laugh comes in.
If it is a mere question of who has got the best of it, Miss Anthony
is still ahead; she has voted, and the American Constitution has
survived the shock.



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