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To make them Christians; to make the
rest Christians after the six millions had gone. I say this new
personage who makes her appearance upon the drama of human
affairs informs you that you and your religion, under the conduct
of the male, generative, fecundative principle of the sex, have
filled the world with blood from one end to the other of it. What
for? To give her liberty. She complains to-day; she complains in
your most intelligent high places; she complains in your most
refined cities; she complains in your halls decorated with a more
than Grecian beauty of architecture; she complains where all of
past civilization, all of past adornment, and all of past
education comes down to satisfy us that we stand upon the very
acmé of human progress; she complains that you have been tyrant
to her. Mr. President, let me read from the proceedings of the
Twenty-ninth Annual Meeting of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery
Society. I propose to read from the remarks of Mrs. Gage, a
woman, a lady, a lady of brain and intellect, of courage and
force; and whether I am in earnest or not, whether I may be
charged with being serious or not, no man dare charge Mrs. Gage
with not being serious. Mrs. Frances D. Gage said: "I have read
speeches and heard a great deal said about the right of suffrage
for the freedmen." So have we all, Mr. President; and the
probability is that we have been even more afflicted if that can
be said to be a punishment, and there is very great difficulty
now to ascertain what is punishment in this world. If that can be
said to be a punishment, I think this Senate can with at least
equal propriety with Mrs. Gage, complain of its extraordinary
infliction upon them without any previous trial and conviction.
[Laughter]. "What does it mean? Does it mean the male freedman
only, or does it mean the freedwoman also? I was glad to hear the
voice of Miss Anthony in behalf of her sex." I am glad, Mr.
President, that we have a male of that name in this body who
emulates the virtues of his more humble sister [laughter], and
stands up equally here for the broad rights of humanity as she
does. "I know it is said that this is bringing in a new issue."
Yes, that is what was said about me yesterday evening. Gentlemen
said it was a new issue; we had not talked about this thing here
before; nobody had thought about it. Why had nobody thought
about it? Because nobody was thinking about the actual, real
sufferings which human beings were subjected to in this world.
Persons thought about such things just in proportion as they
reflected themselves upon their future political career. If it
became necessary, in order to elect a dozen Senators to this body
this winter, that the women should be treated as women ought to
be treated, that they should be put upon an equal footing with
the men in all respects and enjoy equal rights with men, then I
should have great hopes of carrying my amendment, and carrying it
in spite of everybody, because then and in that light it would be
seen by Senators, and they would be thereby guided. "I know it is
said that this is bringing in a new issue. We must bring in new
issues."

Now, I want to know what the honorable Senator from Massachusetts
[Mr. Wilson] will say when he finds me advocating this new issue
that must be brought in while he lags behind. My honorable friend
from Delaware [Mr. Saulsbury] will have immensely more the
advantage of him to-day than he had yesterday if he dares lag,
because I put the question to him now distinctly, and I do not
leave it to his sense of propriety as to whether he shall speak
or not speak on this question; I demand that he do speak. I
demand that that voice which has been so potential, that voice
which has had so much of solemn, I do not say sepulchral wisdom
in it heretofore, shall now be heard on the one side or the other
of this important question, which involves the fate, the destiny,
the liberty of one-half of the people who inhabit this Continent.
I know from the generous upswelling of the bosom, which I almost
perceive from here in my brother, that he will respond to this
sentiment, and make a response of which his State and her
progress, having two negroes in the Legislature now [laughter],
will be proud. I feel assured of it, and I feel that when
suffering humanity in any shape or form, whether it be male or
female, whether it be black or white, red or yellow, appeals to
him, the appeal will not be in vain, but that he will come to the
rescue, and that he will strike the shield of the foremost knight
on the other side and defy him to the combat.

"We must [said Mrs. Gage][57] bring in new issues. I sat in the
Senate Chamber last winter."

And now I beg pardon of my honorable friend from Massachusetts,
the other Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Sumner], for any
offence that I may do to his modesty; but when I come to consider
the recent change which has taken place in his life and habits, I
am the better assured that he will endure it. At any other time I
should not have dared to introduce this quotation: "I sat in the
Senate Chamber last winter [said Mrs. Gage. Last winter,
remember] "and heard Charles Sumner's grand speech, which the
whole country applauded."

And Mr. President, they did, too, and they did it properly. It
was a great, a grand, and a glorious speech; it was the ultimate
of all speeches in that direction; and I too applauded with the
country, although I too might not have agreed with every part of
the speech. I might not have agreed with the speech in general,
but it was a great, grand, proud, high, and intellectual effort,
at which every American might applaud, and I pardon Mrs. Gage for
the manner in which she speaks of it. She has not excelled me in
the tribute which I offer here to the honorable Senator from
Massachusetts, and which I am glad to lay at his feet: "I sat in
the Senate Chamber last winter, and heard Charles Sumner's grand
speech which the whole country applauded; and I heard him declare
that taxation without representation was tyranny to the
freedman."

That was the ring of that speech; that was its key-note; it was
the same key-note which stirred his forefathers in 1776; it was
the same bugle-blast which called them to the field of Lexington
and Bunker Hill ninety years ago; and it is no wonder that Mrs.
Gage picks that out as being the residuum, that which was left
upon her ear of substance after the music of the honorable
Senator's tones had died away, after the brilliancy of his
metaphors had faded, after the light which always encircles him
upon this subject had gone away. It is no wonder that all that
remained of it was that taxation without representation was
tyranny. Let me commend it to the honorable Senator, with his
keen eye, his good taste, his appreciation of that which is
effective, and that which strikes the American heart to the core;
let me commend it to him who desires to be the idol of that
heart.

"When"--Now, Mr. President, _sic transit gloria mundi_. "When I
afterwards found that he meant only freedom for the male sex, I
learned that Charles Sumner fell far short of the great idea of
liberty."

All this outpouring, all this magnificent burst of eloquence, all
this eclectic combination drawn from all the quarters of the
earth, all the sublime talk about the ballot, was merely meant
for the question of trousers and petticoats? "Tyranny to the male
sex," says Mrs. Gage, and now she goes on, and this right to the
point. The proposition here is to give to the male freedman a
vote and to ignore the female freedwoman, to be tautological: "I
know something of the freedwomen South. Maria--I do not know that
she had any other name--when liberated from slavery at Beaufort
went to work, and before the year was out she had laid up
$1,000."

That is a magnificent Maria, that is a practical Maria. She puts
Sterne's Maria and all other Marias, except Ave Maria, in the
shade. [Laughter].

"I never heard of any southern white making $1,000 in a year down
there. Shall Maria pay a tax and have no voice?" Shall Maria pay
a tax and have no voice where the principle is admitted, where
the principle is thundered forth, where it is axiomatic, where
none dare gainsay it, that taxation without representation is
tyranny? "Shall Maria pay a tax and have no voice?" That is the
question. That, Mr. President, is the question before the Senate.

"Old Betty"--There is not so much of the classic, not so much of
the euphonious, not so much of the _salva rosa_ about Betty as
about Maria--"Old Betty, while under my charge, cleared more than
that amount free from taxation, and I presume is worth $3,000
to-day."

Think of Betty! "Is she to be taxed in South Carolina to support
the aristocracy?" Betty lives in South Carolina, it seems. "Will
you be just, or will you be partial to the end of time!"

The marriage relation was alluded to by Mrs. Gage.

And here is a most important part, to which I would direct the
attention of my brother Senators as fundamental in two
respects--fundamental in the testimony it furnishes of the
character of those you now propose to invest with the right of
suffrage, fundamental in its character as to the use which they
will make of it as to one-half of the people who are in this bill
presumed to be the objects of your especial care.



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