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For justice and equality your petitioners will ever
pray.

[49] JOINT RESOLUTIONS BEFORE CONGRESS AFFECTING WOMEN.

_To the Editor of the Standard_--_Sir_:--Mr. Broomall, of
Pennsylvania; Mr. Schenck, of Ohio; Mr. Jenckes, of Rhode Island; Mr.
Stevens, of Pennsylvania, have each a resolution before Congress to
amend the Constitution.

Article 1st, Section 2d, reads thus: "Representatives and direct taxes
shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included
within this Union according to their respective number."

Mr. Broomall proposes to amend by saying "male electors," Mr. Schenck
"male citizens," Mr. Jenckes "male citizens," Mr. Stevens "legal
voters." There is no objection to the amendment proposed by Mr.
Stevens, as in process of time women may be made "legal voters" in the
several States, and would then meet that requirement of the
Constitution. But those urged by the other gentlemen, neither time,
effort, nor State Constitutions could enable us to meet, unless, by a
liberal interpretation of the amendment, a coat of mail to be worn at
the polls might be judged all-sufficient. Mr. Jenckes and Mr. Schenck,
in their bills, have the grace not to say a word about taxes,
remembering perhaps that "taxation without representation is tyranny."
But Mr. Broomall, though unwilling to share with us the honors of
Government, would fain secure us a place in its burdens; for while he
apportions representatives to "male electors" only, he admits "_all
the inhabitants_" into the rights, privileges, and immunities of
taxation. Magnanimous M. C.!

I would call the attention of the women of the nation to the fact that
under the Federal Constitution, as it now exists, there is not one
word that limits the right of suffrage to any privileged class. This
attempt to turn the wheels of civilization backward, on the part of
Republicans claiming to be _the_ Liberal party, should rouse every
woman in the nation to a prompt exercise of the only right she has in
the Government, the right of petition. To this end a committee in New
York have sent out thousands of petitions, which should be circulated
in every district and sent to its Representative at Washington as soon
as possible.

ELIZABETH CADY STANTON.

NEW YORK, _January 2, 1866_.

[50] Leaving Rochester October 11th, she called on Martha Wright,
Auburn; Phebe Jones and Lydia Mott, Albany; Mrs. Rose, Gibbons, Davis,
Stanton, New York; Lucy Stone and Antoinette Brown Blackwell, New
Jersey; Stephen and Abby Foster, Worcester; Mrs. Severance, Dall,
Nowell, Dr. Harriot K. Hunt, Dr. Zakzyewska, Mr. Phillips and
Garrison, in Boston, urging them to join in sending protests to
Washington against the pending legislation. Mr. Phillips at once
consented to vote $500 from the "Jackson Fund" to commence the work.
Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton spent all their "Christmas holidays" in
writing letters and addressing appeals and petitions to every part of
the country, and before the close of the session of 1865-66 ten
thousand signatures were poured into Congress.

[51] "THIS IS THE NEGRO'S HOUR."

_To the Editor of the Standard_--_Sir_:--By an amendment of the
Constitution, ratified by three-fourths of the loyal States, the black
man is declared free. The largest and most influential political party
is demanding suffrage for him throughout the Union, which right in
many of the States is already conceded. Although this may remain a
question for politicians to wrangle over for five or ten years, the
black man is still, in a political point of view, far above the
educated women of the country. The representative women of the nation
have done their uttermost for the last thirty years to secure freedom
for the negro, and so long as he was lowest in the scale of being we
were willing to press _his_ claims; but now, as the celestial gate to
civil rights is slowly moving on its hinges, it becomes a serious
question whether we had better stand aside and see "Sambo" walk into
the kingdom first. As self-preservation is the first law of nature,
would it not be wiser to keep our lamps trimmed and burning, and when
the constitutional door is open, avail ourselves of the strong arm and
blue uniform of the black soldier to walk in by his side, and thus
make the gap so wide that no privileged class could ever again close
it against the humblest citizen of the republic?

"This is the negro's hour." Are we sure that he, once entrenched in
all his inalienable rights, may not be an added power to hold us at
bay? Have not "black male citizens" been heard to say they doubted the
wisdom of extending the right of suffrage to women? Why should the
African prove more just and generous than his Saxon compeers? If the
two millions of Southern black women are not to be secured in their
rights of person, property, wages, and children, their emancipation is
but another form of slavery. In fact, it is better to be the slave of
an educated white man, than of a degraded, ignorant black one. We who
know what absolute power the statute laws of most of the States give
man, in all his civil, political, and social relations, demand that in
changing the status of the four millions of Africans, the women as
well as the men shall be secured in all the rights, privileges, and
immunities of citizens.

It is all very well for the privileged order to look down complacently
and tell us, "This is the negro's hour; do not clog his way; do not
embarrass the Republican party with any new issue; be generous and
magnanimous; the negro once safe, the woman comes next." Now, if our
prayer involved a new set of measures, or a new train of thought, it
would be cruel to tax "white male citizens" with even two simple
questions at a time; but the disfranchised all make the same demand,
and the same logic and justice that secures suffrage to one class
gives it to all. The struggle of the last thirty years has not been
merely on the black man as such, but on the broader ground of his
humanity. Our Fathers, at the end of the first revolution, in their
desire for a speedy readjustment of all their difficulties, and in
order to present to Great Britain, their common enemy, an united
front, accepted the compromise urged on them by South Carolina, and a
century of wrong, ending in another revolution, has been the result of
their action. This is our opportunity to retrieve the errors of the
past and mould anew the elements of Democracy. The nation is ready for
a long step in the right direction; party lines are obliterated, and
all men are thinking for themselves. If our rulers have the justice to
give the black man suffrage, woman should avail herself of that
new-born virtue to secure her rights; if not, she should begin with
renewed earnestness to educate the people into the idea of universal
suffrage.

ELIZABETH CADY STANTON.

NEW YORK, _December 26, 1865_.

[52] From the _New York Evening Express_.

SCENES IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.--_Negroes are to Vote--Why not
Coolies in California--Indians everywhere, and First of all, Fifteen
Millions of our Countrywomen._

The following occurred in the House, Tuesday, upon Thaddeus Stevens'
resolution, from the Reconstruction Committee, to deprive the South of
representation, unless the South lets the negroes vote there....

Mr. CHANDLER, of New York, having the floor for an hour, said: Before
proceeding with my remarks, I will yield the floor for ten minutes to
my colleague [Mr. Brooks].

Mr. BROOKS: Mr. Speaker, I do not rise, of course, to debate this
resolution, in the few minutes allowed me by my colleague, nor, in my
judgment, does the resolution need any discussion unless it may be for
the mere purpose of agitation. I do not suppose that there is an
honorable gentleman upon the floor of this House who believes for a
moment that any movement of this character is likely to become the
fundamental law of the land, and these propositions are, therefore,
introduced only for the purpose of agitation. If the honorable
gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Stevens] had been quite confident of
adopting this amendment, he would at the start have named what are
States of this Union. The opinion of the honorable gentleman himself,
that there are no States in this Union but those that are now
represented upon this floor, I know full well, but he knows as well
that the President of the United States recognizes thirty-six States
of this Union, and that it is necessary to obtain the consent of
three-fourths of those thirty-six States, which number it is not
possible to obtain. He knows very well that if his amendment should be
adopted by the Legislatures of States enough, in his judgment, to
carry it, before it could pass the tribunal of the Executive Chamber
it would be obliged to receive the assent of twenty-seven States in
order to become an amendment to the Constitution. The whole
resolution, therefore, is for the purpose of mere agitation. It is an
appeal from this House to the outside constituencies that we know by
the name of buncombe. Here it was born, and here, after its agitation
in the States, it will die. Hence, I asked the gentleman from
Pennsylvania this morning to be consistent in his proposition. In one
thing he is consistent, and that is in admitting the whole of the
Asiatic immigration, which, by the connection of our steamers with
China and Japan and the East Indies, is about to pour forth in mighty
masses upon the Pacific coast to the overwhelming even of the white
population there.

Mr. STEVENS: I wish to correct the gentleman. I said it excluded
Chinese.

Mr. BROOKS: How exclude them, when Chinese are to be included in the
basis of representation?

Mr. STEVENS: I say it excludes them.

Mr. BROOKS: How exclude them?

Mr. STEVENS: They are not included in the basis of representation.

Mr. BROOKS: Yes, if the States exclude them from the elective
franchise; and the States of California and Oregon and Nevada are to
be deprived of representation according to their population upon the
floor of this House by this amendment.



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