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BROOKS: How exclude them?

Mr. STEVENS: They are not included in the basis of representation.

Mr. BROOKS: Yes, if the States exclude them from the elective
franchise; and the States of California and Oregon and Nevada are to
be deprived of representation according to their population upon the
floor of this House by this amendment. I asked him, also, if the
Indian was not a man and a brother, and I obtained no satisfactory
answer from the honorable gentleman. I speak now, in order to make his
resolution consistent, for no one hundred thousand coolies or wild
savages, but I raise my voice here in behalf of fifteen million of our
countrywomen, the fairest, brightest portion of creation, and I ask
why they are not permitted to vote for Representatives under this
resolution? Why, in organizing a system of liberality and justice, not
recognize in the case of free women as well as free negroes the right
of representation?

Mr. STEVENS: The gentleman will allow me to say that this bill does
not exclude women. It does not say who shall vote.

Mr. BROOKS: I comprehend all that; but the whole object of this
amendment is to obtain votes for the negroes. That is its purport,
tendency, and meaning; and it punishes those who will not give a vote
to the negroes in the Southern States of our Union. That is the object
of the resolution, and the ground upon which it is presented to this
House and to the country. This is a new era; this is an age of
progress. Indians are not only Indians, but men and brothers; and why
not, in a resolution like this, include the fair sex too, and give
them the right to representation? Will it be said that this sex does
not claim a right to representation? Many members here have petitions
from these fifteen millions of women, or a large portion of them, for
representation, and for the right to vote on equal terms with the
stronger sex, who they say are now depriving them of it. To show that
such is their wish and desire, I will send to the Clerk's desk to be
read certain documents, to which I ask the attention of the honorable
gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Stevens], for in one of them he will
find he is somewhat interested.

The Clerk read as follows:

STANDARD OFFICE, 48 Beekman Street, New York, _Jan. 20, 1866_.

_Dear Sir_:--I send you the inclosed copy of petition and
signatures sent to Thaddeus Stevens last week. I then urged Mr.
Stevens, if their committee of fifteen could not report favorably
on our petitions, they would, at least, not interpose any new
barrier against woman's right to the ballot.

Mrs. Stanton has sent you a petition--I trust you will present
that at your earliest convenience. The Democrats are now in
minority. May they drive the Republicans to do good works--not
merely to hold the rebel States in check until negro men shall be
guaranteed their right to a voice in their governments, but to
hold the party to a logical consistency that shall give every
responsible citizen in every State equal right to the ballot.
Will you, sir, please send me whatever is said or done with our
petitions? Will you also give me the names of members whom you
think would present petitions for us?

Hon. JAMES BROOKS. Respectfully yours, SUSAN B. ANTHONY.

A PETITION FOR UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:--[The petition here
presented has been already in _The Express_. The following are the
signatures to the petition sent to Mr. Stevens]: Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, New York; Susan B. Anthony, Rochester, N.Y.; Antoinette Brown
Blackwell, New York; Lucy Stone, Newark, N.J.; Ernestine L. Rose, New
York; Joanna S. Morse, 48 Livingston St., Brooklyn; Elizabeth R.
Tilton, 48 Livingston St., Brooklyn; Ellen Hoxie Squier, 34 St. Felix
St., Brooklyn; Mary Fowler Gilbert, 294 West 19th St., New York; Mary
E. Gilbert, 294 West 19th St., New York; Mattie Griffith, New York.

The SPEAKER: The ten minutes of the gentleman from New York [Mr.
Brooks] have expired.

Mr. BROOKS: I will only say that at the proper time I will move to
amend--or if I do not I would suggest to some gentleman on the other
side to move it--this proposed amendment by inserting the words "or
sex" after the word "color," so that it will read:

_Provided_, That whenever the elective franchise shall be denied or
abridged in any State on account of race or color or sex, all persons
of such race or color or sex shall be excluded from the basis of
representation.

Mr. STEVENS: Is the gentleman from N.Y. [Mr. Brooks] in favor of that
amendment?

Mr. BROOKS: I am if negroes are permitted to vote.

Mr. STEVENS: That does not answer my question. Is the gentleman in
favor of the amendment he has indicated?

Mr. BROOKS: I suggested that I would move it at a convenient time.

Mr. STEVENS: Is the gentleman in favor of his own amendment?

Mr. BROOKS: I am in favor of my own color in preference to any other
color, and I prefer the white women of my country to the negro.
[Applause on the floor and in the galleries promptly checked by the
Speaker]. The Speaker said he saw a number of persons clapping in the
galleries. He would endeavor, to the best of his ability, whether
supported by the House or not, to preserve order. Applause was just as
much out of order as manifestations of disapproval, and hisses not
more than clapping of hands. Instead of general applause on the floor,
gentlemen on the floor should set a good example.

[53] WOMEN POLITICIANS.--Mr. Lane, of Kansas, it is reported, has
presented to the Senate the petition of "one hundred and twenty-four
beautiful, intelligent, and accomplished ladies of Lawrence," praying
for a constitutional amendment that shall prohibit States from
disfranchising citizens on account of sex. That trick will not do. We
wager a big apple that the ladies referred to are not "beautiful" or
accomplished. Nine of every ten of them are undoubtedly _passe_. They
have hook-billed noses, crow's-feet under their sunken eyes, and a
mellow tinting of the hair. They are connoisseurs in the matter of
snuff. They discard hoops, waterfalls, and bandeaux. They hold hen
conventions, to discuss and decide, with vociferous expression, the
orthodoxy of the minister, the regularity of the doctor, and the
morals of the lawyer. They read the _Tribune_ with spectacles, and
have files of _The Liberator_ and Wendell Phillips' orations, bound in
sheepskin. Heaven forbid that we should think of any of the number as
a married woman, without a fervent aspiration of pity for the weaker
vessel who officiates as her spouse. As to rearing children, that is
not to be thought of in the connection. Show us a woman who wants to
mingle in the exciting and unpurified squabble of politics, and we
will show you one who has failed to reach and enjoy that true relation
of sovereignty which is held by her "meek and lowly" sisters; who,
though destitute of such panting aspirations, hold the scepter of true
authority in those high and holy virtues which fascinate while they
command in their undisputed empire--the social circle. What iconoclast
shall break our idol, by putting the ballot in woman's hand?--_Albany
Evening Journal._

A CRY FROM THE FEMALES.--Mr. Sumner yesterday presented a petition to
the Senate from a large number of the women of New England, praying
that they may not be debarred from the right of suffrage on account of
sex. Our heart warms with pity toward these unfortunate creatures. We
fancy that we can see them, deserted of men, and bereft of those rich
enjoyments and exalted privileges which belong to women, languishing
their unhappy lives away in a mournful singleness, from which they can
escape by no art in the construction of waterfalls or the employment
of cotton-padding. Talk of a true woman needing the ballot as an
accessory of power, when she rules the world by a glance of her eye.
There was sound philosophy in the remark of an Eastern monarch, that
his wife was sovereign of the Empire, because she ruled his little
ones, and his little ones ruled him. The sure panacea for such ills as
the Massachusetts petitioners complain of, is a wicker-work cradle and
a dimple-cheeked baby.--_The New York Tribune._

[54] WOMAN SUFFRAGE.--_Editor Commonwealth_:--Enclosed is a letter I
sent to the editor of _The Nation_. As I consider his allusion to it
insufficient, will you have the kindness to print it, no paper but
yours, that I know of, being now open to the subject. All that the
editor of _The Nation_ has a right to say is, that he has not
investigated the statistics. Most of the women who have signed the
petitions are women who have not a male relative in the world
interested in the matter. Very truly yours,

BOSTON, _Jan. 20, 1866_. CAROLINE H. DALL.


70 WARREN AVENUE, BOSTON, _Jan. 6, 1866_.

_To the Editor of The Nation_:--I saw with surprise in _The Nation_,
received to-day, a paragraph on "Universal Suffrage," which contained
the following lines:

"We think the women of the United States ought to have the franchise
if they desire it, and we think they ought to desire it. But until
they do desire it, and show that they do, by a _general_ expression of
opinion, we are opposed to their being saddled with it on grounds of
theoretical fitness, etc."

Surely, it is difficult to explain such a sentence in a professedly
far-seeing and deep-thinking journal! That argument will serve as well
for the lately enfranchised blacks as for women, for no one will
pretend that of the millions set free, a bare majority would of
themselves contend for the franchise. That argument might have refused
them freedom itself, for a large majority of Southern slaves knew too
little of it to desire it, however they may have longed to be rid of a
taskmaster and the pangs which slavery brought. During the last four
years women have been silent about their "rights" in the several
States, because pressed by severe duties. Desirous to establish a
reputation for discretion, we have refrained from complicating the
perplexities of any Senator; but now that a constitutional amendment
is pending we must be careful, even if we gain no franchise, to lose
no _opportunity_.

Hitherto the Constitution of the United States has contained no word
that would shut women out from future suffrage.



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