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Tilton, in _The Independent_, in allusion to the recent
Republican defeat in Connecticut, concludes; "the policy of negro
suffrage is clearly seen to be the only policy for the National
welfare." ... "What then, is the next step," he asks, "in the
progress of reconstruction?" In italics he answered, "We must
make Impartial Suffrage the rule and practice of the Northern as
well as the Southern States." He proposes a new amendment to the
Federal Constitution which will secure to every American citizen,
black and white, North and South, the American citizen's
franchise. What is meant in this article of the _Independent_ by
impartial suffrage is understood by these words in another part
of it. "The Republican party in Connecticut was abundantly strong
enough to secure Impartial Suffrage. But it chose, instead, to
insult its black-faced brethren, and refused their alliance." Mr.
Raymond, in the New York _Times_, speaks without a stammer on the
suffrage question. It declares, "In New York suffrage is now
absolutely universal for all citizens except the colored people;
and upon them it is only restricted by a slight property
qualification."

A correspondent of the Boston _Congregationalist_, in a letter
from New York, tells us, "A Constitutional Convention is to be
held shortly in this State, and we expect to see universal
suffrage adopted.... The Strong-Minded Women aim to secure female
voting, but they will fail, as they should." The
_Congregationalist_ has also an editorial article headed, "The
steps to Reconstruction," in which it speaks excellently of "a
millennium of Republican governments," and of Impartial Suffrage
in them, as near at hand. But it too speaks only of freedmen to
be clothed with the rights of citizenship in the millennial,
latter-day glory so soon to be. Over the black male citizen this
editor shouts, "chattel, contraband, soldier, citizen, voter,
counselor, magistrate, representative, senator,--these all shall
be the successive steps of his wonderful progress!!"

I have produced these as the best representatives of the
different styles or types of the radical or progressive movement
in the work of reconstructing the government. That the _Standard_
and _Independent_ believe fully in the right of women to Equal
Suffrage and citizenship is known to every attentive reader of
those journals. But at an hour like this, it is painful to
witness anything like agreement even, with the language of the
others I have cited.... To rob the freed slave of citizenship
to-day is as much a crime as was slavery before the war on
Sumter; and to withhold the divinely conferred gift from woman is
every way as oppressive, cruel, and unjust as if she were a black
man....


FOOTNOTES:

[60] CALL FOR THE ELEVENTH NATIONAL WOMAN'S RIGHTS CONVENTION.--The
Convention will be held in the City of New York, at the Church of the
Puritans, Union Square, on Thursday, the 10th of May, 1866, at 10
o'clock. Addresses will be delivered by ERNESTINE L. ROSE, FRANCES D.
GAGE, WENDELL PHILLIPS, THEODORE TILTON, ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, and
(probably) LUCRETIA MOTT and ANNA E. DICKINSON.

Those who tell us the republican idea is a failure, do not see the
deep gulf between our broad theory and partial legislation; do not see
that our Government for the last century has been but the repetition
of the old experiments of class and caste. Hence, the failure is not
in the principle, but in the lack of virtue on our part to apply it.
The question now is, have we the wisdom and conscience, from the
present upheavings of our political system, to reconstruct a
government on the one enduring basis that has never yet been
tried--"EQUAL RIGHTS TO ALL."

From the proposed class legislation in Congress, it is evident we have
not yet learned wisdom from the experience of the past; for, while our
representatives at Washington are discussing the right of suffrage for
the black man, as the only protection to life, liberty and happiness,
they deny that "necessity of citizenship" to woman; by proposing to
introduce the word "male" into the Federal Constitution. In securing
suffrage but to another shade of _man_hood, while we disfranchise
fifteen million tax-payers, we come not one line nearer the republican
idea. Can a ballot in the hand of woman, and dignity on her brow, more
unsex her than do a scepter and a crown? Shall an American Congress
pay less honor to the daughter of a President than a British
Parliament to the daughter of a King? Should not our petitions command
as respectful a hearing in a republican Senate as a speech of Victoria
in the House of Lords? Do we not claim that here all men and women are
nobles--all heirs apparent to the throne? The fact that this backward
legislation has roused so little thought or protest from the women of
the country, but proves what some of our ablest thinkers have already
declared, that the greatest barrier to a government of equality was
the aristocracy of its women. For, while woman holds an ideal position
above man and the work of life, poorly imitating the pomp, heraldry,
and distinction of an effete European civilization, we as a nation can
never realize the divine idea of equality.

To build a true republic, the church and the home must undergo the
same upheavings we now see in the State;--for, while our egotism,
selfishness, luxury and ease are baptized in the name of Him whose
life was a sacrifice,--while at the family altar we are taught to
worship wealth, power and position, rather than humanity, it is vain
to talk of a republican government:--The fair fruits of liberty,
equality and fraternity must be blighted in the bud, till cherished in
the heart of woman. At this hour the nation needs the highest thought
and inspiration of a true womanhood infused into every vein and artery
of its life; and woman needs a broader, deeper education, such as a
pure religion and lofty patriotism alone can give. From the baptism of
this second revolution should she not rise up with new strength and
dignity, clothed in all those "rights, privileges and immunities" that
shall best enable her to fulfill her highest duties to Humanity, her
Country, her Family and Herself?

On behalf of the National Woman's Rights Central Committee,

ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, President.

SUSAN B. ANTHONY, Secretary.
New York (48 Beekman street), March 31, 1866.

[61] Ernestine L. Rose, Wendell Phillips, John T. Sargeant, O. B.
Frothingham, Frances D. Gage, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B.
Anthony, Theodore Tilton, Lucretia Mott, Martha C. Wright, Stephen S.
and Abbey Kelley Foster, Margaret Winchester and Parker Pillsbury.

[62] As this was the first time Mr. Beecher had honored the platform,
we give copious extracts from his speech in preference to those who
were so often reported in the first volume. This speech is published
in full in tract form, and can be obtained from the Secretary of the
National Woman's Suffrage Association.

[63] A COLLOQUY.

When Mr. BEECHER took his seat, Mr. TILTON rose and said:

Mrs. PRESIDENT: In the midst of the general hilarity produced
throughout the house by my friend's speech, I myself have been greatly
solemnized by being made (as you have witnessed) the public custodian
of his New Testament. (Laughter). At first I shared in your
gratification at seeing that he carried so much of the Scripture with
him. (Laughter). But I found, on looking at the fly-leaf, that the
book after all, was not his own, but the property of a lady--I will
not mention her name. (Laughter). I have, therefore, no right to
accept my friend's gift of what is not his own. Now I remember that
when he came home from England, he told me a story of a company of ten
ministers who sat down to dine together. A dispute arose among them as
to the meaning of a certain passage of Scripture--for aught I know the
very passage in Galatians which he just now tried to quote, but
couldn't. (Laughter). Some one said, "Who has a New Testament?" It was
found that no one had a copy. Pretty soon, however, when the dinner
reached the point of champagne, some one exclaimed, "Who has a
corkscrew?" And it was found that the whole ten had, every man, a
corkscrew in his pocket! (Laughter). Now, as there is no telling where
a Brooklyn minister who made a temperance speech at Cooper Institute
last night is likely to take his dinner to-day, I charitably return
the New Testament into my friend's own hands. (Great merriment).

Mr. BEECHER--Now I know enough about champagne to know that it don't
need any corkscrew. (Laughter).

Mr. TILTON--How is it that you know so much more about corkscrews than
about Galatians? (Laughter).

Mr. BEECHER, after making some playful allusions to the story of the
ten ministers, remarked that he gave it as it was given to him, but
that he could not vouch for its truthfulness, as he was not present on
the occasion.

[64] Susan B. Anthony, Frances E. W. Harper, Sarah H. Hallock, Edwin
A. Studwell, Dr. C. S. Lozier, Margaret E. Winchester, Mary F.
Gilbert, Dr. Laura A. Ward, Edward M. Davis, Mrs. Calhoun.

[65] CONSTITUTION OF THE AMERICAN EQUAL RIGHTS ASSOCIATION.

PREAMBLE.--Whereas, by the war, society is once more resolved into its
original elements, and in the reconstruction of our government we
again stand face to face with the broad question of natural rights,
all associations based on special claims for special classes are too
narrow and partial for the hour; Therefore, from the baptism of this
second revolution--purified and exalted through suffering--seeing with
a holier vision that the peace, prosperity, and perpetuity of the
Republic rest on EQUAL RIGHTS TO ALL, we, to-day, assembled in our
Eleventh National Woman's Rights Convention, bury the woman in the
citizen, and our organization in that of the American Equal Rights
Association.

ARTICLE I.--This organization shall be known as The American Equal
Rights Association.

ART.



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