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(Laughter.)
Emmert's Resolution, introduced into your Legislature last year,
disfranchising, after July 4, 1870, all of age who can not read
the American Constitution, the State Constitution, and the Bible,
in the language in which he was educated, (applause) expresses my
views.

Again you alluded to the Foreign Emissary--who had no interest in
Kansas. Do you mean me, General? General Blunt--No, sir. Thank
you. The other four Foreign Emissaries are women, noble,
self-sacrificing women, bold, never-tiring, unblemished
reputation; women who have left their pleasant Eastern homes for
a grand idea, (loud applause,) and to them and them alone is due
the credit of carrying Kansas for woman suffrage. General
Blunt--It won't carry. Train--Were I a betting man I would wager
ten thousand dollars that Kansas will give 5,000 majority for
women. (Loud cheers from Blunt's own audience of anti-women men.)
As an advertisement to this beautiful State, it is worth untold
millions.

Kansas will win the world's applause,
As the sole champion of woman's cause.
So light the bonfires! Have the flags unfurled,
To the Banner State of all the World!
(Loud cheers.)

No, General, these women are no foreign emissaries. They came
expecting support. They thought the republicans honest. They
forgot that the democrats alone were their friends. (Applause.)
They forgot that it was the Republican party that publicly
insulted them in Congress. That it was Charles Sumner who wished
to insert the word "male" in the amendment of the Federal
Constitution two years ago, when the old Constitution, by having
neither male nor female, had left it an open question. No, Mrs.
Cady Stanton, Miss Susan B. Anthony, Mrs. Lucy Stone, and Miss
Olympia Brown are the "foreign emissaries" that will alone have
the credit of emancipating women in Kansas. Your trimming
politicians left them in the lurch. Not one of you was honest.
(Applause.) Even those who assumed to be their friends by saying
nothing on the woman, and everything on the negro, are worse than
you and Kalloch. (Applause.) Mr. Kalloch and Leggett and Sears
have helped the woman's cause by opposing it, (cheers,) while the
milk-and-water republican committee and speakers and press have
damaged woman by their sneaking, cowardly way of advocacy.
(That's so.)

Mr. TRAIN at Leavenworth, the day before the election: "A great
empire, and little minds go ill together," said Lord Bacon. "The
sober second thought of the people," said Van Buren, "is never
wrong, and always efficient." To-morrow it will be shown by
voting for our mother and our sister. (Loud applause.) Never
before were so many rats fleeing from a sinking ship. (Laughter.)
A few staunch men will receive their reward. Falsehood passes
away. Truth is eternal. (Applause.) The woman suffrage
association wants a few thousand dollars to pay off this
expensive canvass. Miss Anthony has distributed two thousand
pounds weight of tracts and pamphlets. (Applause.) Mrs. Stanton,
Miss Olympia Brown and Mrs. Lucy Stone, have been for months in
all parts of the State. Kansas has furnished no part of the fund
which makes her to-morrow the envy of the world. (Cheers.) For
the benefit of the Association I have promised on my return from
Omaha to make seven speeches in the largest cities; the entire
proceeds to be given to this grand cause--I paying my own
expenses as in this campaign. (Loud cheers for Train.) We
commence at St. Louis about the 20th, thence to Chicago,
Cleveland, Cincinnati, Philadelphia, Boston and New York.
(Cheers.) The burden of my thought will be the future of America;
my mission, with the aid of women, to reconstruct the country
and save the nation. (Cheers.) To-morrow our amendment will pass
with a startling majority. The other two will be lost.
(Applause.) The negro can wait and go to school. And as all are
now loyal, the war over, and no rebels exist, no American in this
land must be marked by the stain of attainder or impeachment.
(Cheers.) No so-called rebel must be disfranchised. I represent
the people, and they speak to-morrow in Kansas, emancipating
woman, (loud cheers), and declaring that no Hungary, no Poland,
no Venice, no Ireland--crushed and disheartened--shall exist in
New America. (Loud cheers.)

But Kansas being republican by a large majority, there was no chance
of victory. For although the women were supported by some of the best
men in the State, such as Gov. Crawford, Ex-Gov. Robinson, United
States Senators Pomeroy and Ross, and a few of the ablest editors, the
opposition was too strong to be conquered. With both parties, the
press, the pulpit and faithless liberals as opponents, the hopes of
the advocates of woman suffrage began to falter before the election.

The action of the Michigan Commission, in refusing to submit a similar
amendment to her people, and the adverse report of Mr. Greeley in the
Constitutional Convention of New York, had also their depressing
influence. Nevertheless, when election day came, the vote was nearly
equal for both propositions. With all the enginery of the controlling
party negro suffrage had a little over 10,000 votes, while woman
suffrage without press or party, friends or politicians, had 9,000 and
some over. And this vote for woman's enfranchisement represented the
best elements in the State, men of character and conscience, who
believed in social order and good government.

When Eastern Republicans learned that the action of their party in
Kansas was doing more damage than the question of woman to the negro,
since the pioneers, who knew how bravely the women had stood by their
side amid all dangers, were saying, "if our women can not vote, the
negro shall not;" they began to take in the situation, and a month
before the election issued the following appeal, signed by some of the
most influential men of the nation. It was published in the New York
_Tribune_ October 1st, and copied by most of the papers throughout the
State of Kansas:

_To the Voters of the United States_:

In this hour of national reconstruction we appeal to good men of
all parties, to Conventions for amending State Constitutions, to
the Legislature of every State, and to the Congress of the United
States, to apply the principles of the Declaration of
Independence to women; "Governments derive their just powers from
the consent of the governed." The only form of consent
recognized under a Republic is suffrage. Mere tacit acquiescence
is not consent; if it were, every despotism might claim that its
power is justly held. Suffrage is the right of every adult
citizen, irrespective of sex or color. Women are governed,
therefore they are rightly entitled to vote.

The problem of American statesmanship is how to incorporate in
our institutions a guarantee of the rights of every individual.
The solution is easy. Base government on the consent of the
governed, and each class will protect itself.[83]

But the appeal was too late, the mischief done was irreparable. The
action of the Republican party had created a hostile feeling between
the women and the colored people. The men of Kansas in their speeches
would say, "What would be to us the comparative advantage of the
amendments? If negro suffrage passes, we will be flooded with
ignorant, impoverished blacks from every State of the Union. If woman
suffrage passes, we invite to our borders people of character and
position, of wealth and education, the very element Kansas needs
to-day. Who can hesitate to decide, when the question lies between
educated women and ignorant negroes?" Such appeals as these were made
by men of Kansas to hundreds of audiences. On this appeal the New York
_Tribune_ said editorially:

KANSAS--WOMAN AS A VOTER.--We publish herewith an appeal, most
influentially signed, to the voters of Kansas, urging them to
support the pending Constitutional Amendment whereby the Right of
Suffrage is extended to Women under like conditions with men. The
gravity combined with the comparative novelty of the proposition
should secure it the most candid and thoughtful consideration.

We hold fast to the cardinal doctrine of our fathers' Declaration
of Independence--that "governments derive their just powers from
the consent of the governed." If, therefore, the women of Kansas,
or of any other State, desire, as a class, to be invested with
the Right of Suffrage, we hold it their clear right to be. We do
not hold, and can not admit, that a small minority of the sex,
however earnest and able, have any such right.

It is plain that the experiment of Female Suffrage is to be
tried; and, while we regard it with distrust, we are quite
willing to see it pioneered by Kansas. She is a young State, and
has a memorable history, wherein her women have borne an
honorable part. She is preponderantly agricultural, with but one
city of any size, and very few of her women are other than pure
and intelligent. They have already been authorized to vote on the
question of liquor license, and in the choice of school
officers, and, we are assured, with decidedly good results. If,
then, a majority of them really desire to vote, we, if we lived
in Kansas, should vote to give them the opportunity.

Upon a full and fair trial, we believe they would conclude that
the right of suffrage for woman was, on the whole, rather a
plague than a profit, and vote to resign it into the hands of
their husbands and fathers. We think so, because we now so seldom
find women plowing, or teaming, or mowing (with machines), though
there is no other obstacle to their so doing than their own sense
of fitness, and though some women, under peculiar circumstances,
laudably do all these things.



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