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The Central Committee
issued a circular for the purpose of preventing loyal Republicans
from voting for woman suffrage; not content with this, the
notorious I. S. Kalloch, and others of the same stripe, were sent
out under the auspices of the Republican party to blackguard and
abuse the advocates of woman's cause while professedly speaking
upon "manhood suffrage." And Charles Langston, the negro orator,
added his mite of bitter words to make the path a little harder
for women, who had spent years in pleading the cause of the
colored man.

And yet, with all the obstacles which the dominant party could
throw in our way; without organization, without money, without
political rewards to offer, without any of the means by which
elections are usually carried, we gained one-third of all the
votes cast! Surely it was a great triumph of principle; and had
the leading Republicans, even one or two of them, stood boldly
for the measure which they themselves had submitted, Kansas might
have indeed been a "free State"; the first to enfranchise women;
the advance guard in the great progressive movements of the time;
and her leading politicians might have gone down in history as
wise, far-seeing statesmen who loved principles better than
office, and who gained the rewards of the world because they
sought "first the kingdom of God and His righteousness." As it
was, their favorite measure, "negro suffrage," was defeated for
that time, and several of those who sold their birthright of
truth and justice for a miserable mess of pottage in the shape of
office and emoluments, lost even the poor reward for which they
had trafficked.

As for us, the advocates of suffrage who labored there in that
first woman's suffrage campaign, we have forgotten, in part, the
bitterness of disappointment and defeat; we think no more of the
long and wearisome journeys under the hot sun of southern Kansas;
the anxiety and uncertainty; the nervous tremor when night has
overtaken us wandering on the prairie, not knowing what terrible
pitfalls might lie before; the mobs which sometimes made the
little log school-house shake with their missiles; the taunts and
jeers of the opposition; all this is passed, but the great
principle of human rights which we advocated remains, commending
itself more and more to the favor of all good men, confirmed by
every year's experience, and destined at no distant day to find
expression in law.

Sincerely Yours, OLYMPIA BROWN.

The day before the election immense meetings were held in all the
chief cities. In Leavenworth Mr. Train spoke for two hours in Laing's
Hall, and then took the evening train for Atchison. Mrs. Stanton
entered the hall just as he left, and made only a short speech,
reserving herself for the evening, when, Daniel R. Anthony in the
chair, she made her final appeal to the voters of the State. She was
followed by several of the leading gentlemen in short speeches, fully
indorsing both amendments. The _Bulletin_, in speaking of the meeting,
said:

Laing's Hall was crowded to overflowing last evening to listen to
a discourse from Mrs. Stanton, on the main issues pending in this
State, and to be decided to-day. The speech of Mrs. Stanton was
mainly in behalf of female suffrage. Speeches were also made by
Col. J. C. Vaughan, Col. Jennison, Col. Moonlight, and Col.
Anthony. The best of feeling prevailed throughout.

Susan B. Anthony spoke to an equally large audience in Atchison, and
Olympia Brown to another in an adjoining town.

The morning of the election two spacious barouches containing the
several members of the Hutchinson family--John, his son Henry and
daughter Viola; with Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony, Mrs. Daniel R. and
Mrs. J. Merritt Anthony, visited in succession the four polling booths
in Leavenworth and addressed the voters in short, earnest speeches as
to their duty as citizens. Mrs. Stanton made a special appeal to
Irishmen, quoting to them the lofty sentiments of Edmund Burke on
human liberty. She told them of visiting O'Connell in his own house,
and attending one of his great repeal meetings, of his eloquent speech
in the World's Anti-Slavery Convention, and his genial letters to
Lucretia Mott, in favor of woman's right to vote. After three cheers
for O'Connell, they shouted, "Go on, go on." The Hutchinsons then sang
their stirring ballad, "The good time coming." The reception at each
booth was respectful, and at the end of the speech or song there
followed three hearty cheers for "woman suffrage."[89]

The Leavenworth _Commercial_ of Nov. 14, 1867, had the following
editorial:

A CONTRAST.--Miss Susan B. Anthony and Mrs. Elizabeth Cady
Stanton left yesterday afternoon for St. Louis, from whence they
go to Omaha, and from that place, in company with Geo. Francis
Train, start on a general lecturing tour through the principal
cities of the West and East. Their subject, of course, in all the
places at which they will speak, will be, "Woman Suffrage"; and
we believe they will speak with far more than ordinary
encouragement. Kansas, the only State in which the subject was
ever submitted--though under the most adverse of
circumstances--has spoken in a manner which has rather nerved
than dispirited these tried and faithful champions of their own
sex.

The two propositions were submitted, in this State, under
circumstances wholly dissimilar. While negro suffrage was
specially championed and made the principal plank in the
Republican party--made almost a test of membership and of loyalty
to it and the government--female suffrage stood, not simply as an
ignored proposition, but as one against which was arrayed all
party organizations, whether Republican, Democratic or German.
And yet, notwithstanding this ignoring of the question,
notwithstanding the combined and active opposition of these
powerful and controlling organizations, nearly as many votes were
cast for female suffrage as for negro suffrage.

And if we go outside of our State, and take a look at the
influences that were brought to bear upon our citizens, the
result seems still more striking and remarkable. On the side of
negro suffrage stood Congress, and its policy in the South; also
all the leading radical journals in the country, and that branch
of the pulpit to which radicals had been taught to look for
political wisdom as well as orthodox religious sermons. The whole
enginery of the radical party, and of that party's tactics, was
brought to bear upon the State. Party pride, party prejudices,
and religious beliefs were each and all fervidly appealed to on
behalf of negro suffrage. But in respect to woman suffrage,
matters were far different. Even those in the East, whose
eminence and eloquence had served to throw broadcast the ideas
that it was sought to give form and reality to in this State, as
the final testing hour neared, gradually withdrew their aid and
counsel; and in a manner sympathiless and emotionless as marble
statuary, from their calm Eastern retreats watched the unequal
contest. When Stephen A. Douglas said he "didn't care a d----n
whether slavery was voted up or voted down in Kansas," he but
expressed in a forcible and emphatic manner the feelings of many
of the Eastern "friends" of woman suffrage in the recent
campaign. We repeat then, when we consider the many obstacles
thrown in the way of the advocates of this measure, of the
indifference with which the masses look upon anything new in
government, and their indisposition to change, that the degree of
success of these advocates is not only remarkable, but one in
which they have a just right to feel proud and triumphant.

And to these two ladies, to their indomitable wills and courage,
to their eloquence and energies, is due much of the merit of the
work performed in the State. We would not rob others of their
glories, or their triumphs. Yet these two came to us as pioneers.
Through the highways and byways of all the long years of their
past lives we find the tracings of their deep earnestness and
devotion to the principles which first found ways and means of
development in Kansas. We find them giving utterance to these
thoughts in the days of their first inception, and in words of
burning eloquence closing the campaign which gave them over for
decision and arbitrament to the great jury and final arbiter, the
people. But in the recent election, as is well known, these
ladies were not successful to the full extent of their wishes.
They have the proud consciousness of knowing, however, that their
work has been commensurate with the combined efforts of party
organizations. Congressmen, Senators, presses, ministers, etc.,
and that the people of Kansas are not more averse to giving the
franchise to woman than to the negro. With this evidence of the
result of their efforts they can afford to wait, and, in the
spirit of a Lowell, found their faith in the future, as when he
says:--

But humanity sweeps onward! where to-day the martyr stands,
On the morrow crouches Judas with the silver in his hands.
Far in front the cross stands ready, and the crackling
fragments burn,
While the hooting mob of yesterday in silent awe return,
To glean up the scattered ashes into history's golden urn.

And again--

Careless seems the great avenger; history's pages but record
One death-struggle in the grapple 'twixt old systems and the
Word.
Truth forever on the scaffold, wrong forever on the throne;
Yet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim
unknown
Standeth God in the darkness keeping watch above His own.

After speaking in all the chief cities from Leavenworth to New
York,[90] Mrs.



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