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W. Julian, H. D.
Washburn, Indiana; R. E. Trowbridge, John F. Driggs, Michigan;
Benjamin F. Wade, Ohio; J. W. Broomall, William D. Kelley,
Pennsylvania; Henry Ward Beecher, Gerrit Smith, George William Curtis,
New York; Dudley S. Gregory, George Polk, John G. Foster, James L.
Hayes, Z. H. Pangborn, New Jersey; William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell
Phillips, Samuel E. Sewell, Oakes Ames, Massachusetts; William
Sprague, Thomas W. Higginson, Rhode Island; Calvin E. Stowe,
Connecticut.

[84] Mrs. Starrett's father.

[85] All were prepared beforehand to do Mrs. Stanton homage for her
talents and fame, but many persons who had formed their ideas of Miss
Anthony from the unfriendly remarks of opposition papers in other
States had conceived a prejudice against her. Perhaps I can not better
illustrate how she everywhere overcame and dispelled this prejudice
than by relating my own experience. A convention was called at
Lawrence, and the friends of woman suffrage were called upon to
entertain the strangers who might come from abroad. Ex-Gov. Robinson,
who from the first had given his influence to the movement, was now
giving his whole time to the canvass. He called upon me to know if I
would entertain Mrs. Stanton. In those days houses were small, help
was scarce and inefficient, and in our family were two babies and an
invalid sister. But the pleasure and honor of entertaining Mrs.
Stanton was too great to allow these circumstances to prevent. We
prepared our own room for the guest chamber and had all things in
readiness when I received a note from Ex-Gov. Robinson stating that
Mrs. Stanton had found relatives in town with whom she would stop, but
that Miss Anthony would come instead. I hastily put on bonnet and
shawl saying, "I don't want Miss Anthony, and I won't have her, and I
am going to tell Gov. Robinson so." At the gate I met a dignified,
quaker looking lady with a small satchel and a black and white shawl
on her arm. Offering her hand she said, "I am Miss Anthony, and I have
been sent to you for entertainment during the Convention." I have
often wondered if Miss Anthony remembers my confusion, and the
apologies I stammered out about no help, sickness in the family, no
spare room and how I was just on my way to tell Gov. Robinson that I
could not entertain any one. Half disarmed by her genial manner and
frank, kindly face, I led the way into the house and said I would have
her stay to tea and then we would see what farther arrangements could
be made. While I was looking after tea Miss Anthony won the hearts of
the babies; and seeing the door of my sister's sick room open, she
went in and in a short time had so won the heart and soothed instead
of exciting the nervous sufferer, entertaining her with accounts of
the outside world from which she had been so long shut off, that by
the time tea was over, I was ready to do anything if Miss Anthony
would only stay with us. And stay she did for over six weeks, and we
parted from her as from a beloved and helpful friend. I found
afterwards that in the same way she disarmed prejudice and made the
most ardent friends wherever she became personally known.

H. E. S.

[86] Of course it is nothing new to say that Mrs. Stanton was the
object of admiration and honor everywhere. Miss Anthony looked after
her interests and comfort in the most cheerful and kindly manner,
occasionally complaining good naturedly of Mrs. Stanton's carelessness
in leaving various articles of her wearing apparel scattered over the
State, and of the trouble she had in recovering a gold watch which
Mrs. Stanton had left hanging on the bed post in a little hotel in
Southern Kansas. I remember one evening of the Convention in Lawrence
when the hall was crowded with an eager and expectant audience. Miss
Anthony was there early, looking after everything, seats, lights,
ushers, doorkeepers, etc. Presently Gov. Robinson came to her and
said, "Where's Mrs. Stanton? It's time to commence." "She's at Mrs.
---- waiting for some of you men to go for her with a carriage," was
the reply. The hint was quickly acted upon and Mrs. Stanton, fresh,
smiling and unfatigued, was presented to the audience. H. E. S.

[87] See Appendix.

[88] Mrs. Gov. Charles Robinson, Mrs. Lieut-Gov. J. P. Root, Mrs. R.
B. Taylor, Mrs. Mary T. Gray--whose husbands were also active
workers--Mrs. Lucy B. Armstrong, Mrs. Judge Humphrey, Mrs. Starrett,
Mrs. Archibald, Mrs. Elsie Stewart, "Mother Bickerdike," and many
others.

[89] Nov. 6, 1867.--The associated press item in _The Evening Journal_
said: "Leavenworth, Kansas, Nov. 5th. Out of about 3,500 registered
voters, only 2,600 voted here to-day. Negro suffrage received only
about 700. Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony, who have been canvassing the
State, visited the polls in each ward and addressed the voters,
probably the first occurrence of the kind in this country. They were
accompanied by the Hutchinson family, and were received with hearty
cheers for woman suffrage."

[90] This trip cost Mr. Train $2,500, as he paid all the expenses,
advertising largely.

[91] The first number was published January 6, 1868, and ten thousand
copies, under the frank of the Hon. James Brooks, were scattered
throughout the country.




CHAPTER XX.

NEW YORK CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.

Constitution Amended once in Twenty Years--Mrs. Stanton Before
the Legislature Claiming Woman's Right to Vote for Members to the
Convention--An Immense Audience in the Capitol--The Convention
Assembled June 4th, 1867. Twenty Thousand Petitions Presented for
Striking the Word "Male" from the Constitution--"Committee on the
Right of Suffrage, and the Qualifications for Holding Office."
Horace Greeley, Chairman--Mr. Graves, of Herkimer, Leads the
Debate in favor of Woman Suffrage--Horace Greeley's Adverse
Report--Leading Advocates Heard before the Convention--Speech of
George William Curtis on Striking the Word "Man" from Section 1,
Article 11--Final Vote, 19 For, 125 Against--Equal Rights
Anniversary of 1868.


This was the first time in the history of the woman suffrage movement
that the Constitution of New York was to be amended, and the general
interest felt by women in the coming convention was intensified by the
fact that such an opportunity for their enfranchisement would not come
again in twenty years. The proposition of the republican party to
strike the word "white" from the Constitution and thus extend the
right of suffrage to all classes of male citizens, placing the men of
the State, black and white, foreign and native, ignorant and educated,
vicious and virtuous, all alike, above woman's head, gave her a keener
sense of her abasement than she had ever felt before. But having
neither press nor pulpit to advocate her cause, and fully believing
this amendment would pass as a party measure, she used every means
within her power to arouse and strengthen the agitation, in the face
of the most determined opposition of friends and foes. Meetings were
held in all the chief towns and cities in the State, and appeals and
petitions scattered in every school district; these were so many
reminders to the women everywhere that they too had some interest in
the Constitution under which they lived, some duties to perform in
deciding the future policy of the Government.

This campaign cost us the friendship of Horace Greeley and the support
of the _New York Tribune_, heretofore our most powerful and faithful
allies. In an earnest conversation with Mrs. Stanton and Miss
Anthony, Mr. Greeley said: "This is a critical period for the
Republican party and the life of the Nation. The word "white" in our
Constitution at this hour has a significance which "male" has not. It
would be wise and magnanimous in you to hold your claims, though just
and imperative, I grant, in abeyance until the negro is safe beyond
peradventure, and your turn will come next. I conjure you to remember
that this is "the negro's hour," and your first duty now is to go
through the State and plead his claims." "Suppose," we replied,
"Horace Greeley, Henry J. Raymond and James Gordon Bennett were
disfranchised; what would be thought of them, if before audiences and
in leading editorials they pressed the claims of Sambo, Patrick, Hans
and Yung Fung to the ballot, to be lifted above their own heads? With
their intelligence, education, knowledge of the science of government,
and keen appreciation of the dangers of the hour, would it not be
treasonable, rather than magnanimous, for them, leaders of the
metropolitan press, to give the ignorant and unskilled a power in
government they did not possess themselves? To do this would be to
place on board the ship of State officers and crew who knew nothing of
chart or compass, of the safe pathway across the sea, and bid those
who understand the laws of navigation to stand aside. No, no, this is
the hour to press woman's claims; we have stood with the black man in
the Constitution over half a century, and it is fitting now that the
constitutional door is open that we should enter with him into the
political kingdom of equality. Through all these years he has been the
only decent compeer we have had. Enfranchise him, and we are left
outside with lunatics, idiots and criminals for another twenty years."
"Well," said Mr. Greeley, "if you persevere in your present plan, you
need depend on no further help from me or the _Tribune_." And he kept
his word. We have seen the negro enfranchised, and twenty long years
pass away since the war, and still woman's turn has not yet come; her
rights as a citizen of the United States are still unrecognized, the
oft-repeated pledges of leading Republicans and Abolitionists have not
been redeemed.

As soon as the Constitutional Convention was called by the Legislature
of New York, Mrs. Stanton appeared before that body asking not only
that the word "male" be stricken from Sec. 1, Art. 2, but that women
be permitted to vote for members to that Convention, giving many
precedents and learned opinions in favor of her demand.



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