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The place where
General Howard was superseded in command on the first day of the fight
is now covered with the graves of thousands of gallant soldiers whose
bones lie buried at the base of the beautiful monumental column which
commemorates their fame. Two of the marble statues ornamenting the
pedestal personify War and History. War, symbolized by a soldier resting
from the conflict, narrates to History the story of the struggle and the
deeds of the martyr-heroes who fell in that famous battle. In
remembrance of these noble comrades who laid down their lives for the
general weal, it were simply sacrilege for any survivor to pour into the
ears of History an incorrect account of the contest, still more to
assume to himself honors belonging perhaps less to the living than to
the dead.

"The historian of the future who essays to tell the tale of Gettysburg
undertakes an onerous task, a high responsibility, a sacred trust. Above
all things, justice and truth should dwell in his mind and heart. Then,
dipping his pen as it were in the crimson tide, the sunshine of heaven
lighting his page, giving 'honor to whom honor is due,' doing even
justice to the splendid valor alike of friend and foe, he may tell the
world how the rain descended in streams of fire, and the floods came in
the billows of rebellion, and the winds blew in blasts of fraternal
execration, and beat upon the fabric of the Federal Union, and that it
fell not, for, resting on the rights and liberties of the people, it was
founded upon a rock." General Hancock died February 9, 1886.


Perhaps the gravest problem which confronts our country is the eternal
strife between capital and labor. It is a problem which when solved will
prove one of the most beneficent boons that ever blessed mankind.
Disputes continually arise between employers and employees; strikes have
occurred without number, many of them attended by violence, the
destruction of property and lamentable loss of life. Arbitration is the
best and most sensible cure for the grave peril which at times has
seemed to threaten the safety of our institutions, and when the employer
and those dependent upon him for the support of themselves and families
meet in a friendly spirit and discuss their differences, they are
certain to reach an amicable agreement.

That men have the right to strike and combine against a lowering of
their wages or for the purpose of increasing them is beyond all dispute.
That they have the right to destroy property or prevent other men from
taking their places is contended by no intelligent person, but, so long
as human nature remains as it is, they will do so, with the result that
in almost every instance it is the laborers themselves who are the
greatest losers and sufferers.

One fact for which all ought to be grateful is that the murderous
anarchists who once plotted and struck with the venom of rattlesnakes
have either disappeared or ceased their evil work. They are scarcely
heard of in these days, and that it may ever remain thus is the fervent
wish of every patriotic and right-minded citizen.

It is inevitable that so long as the United States remains an asylum for
the persecuted and oppressed of all nations, it must receive many of the
miscreants that have been compelled to flee from their own countries to
escape the penalty of their crimes. Despite the ravings of the
anarchists, we have good-naturedly let them alone, not believing they
would ever dare to carry out any of the threats which they were so fond
of making. Thus they became emboldened and finally ventured to put their
execrable principles into practice.

There were a good many strikes in different parts of the country in the
early months of 1886. A number were settled by arbitration, such as the
strike on the elevated railroads in New York City, but others were
fought out to the bitter end.

A strike occurred on the Missouri Pacific Railroad in the spring of
1886. The strikers became violent, destroyed property, and a number of
lives were lost. The end came in May, and, as is generally the case, it
was against the employes, many of whom were unable to regain the places
that had been taken by others.


The cry for eight hours, at the same rate of wages previously paid for
ten, was raised in New York and Chicago in May, 1886. Here and there a
compromise of nine hours was agreed upon with a half of each Saturday
for the employes, but in other cases the employers would not yield
anything. This issue led to the strike of 40,000 workmen in Chicago, who
were chiefly lumbermen, brickmakers, freight-handlers, iron-workers, and
men employed in factories. So many people were idle that business of all
kinds suffered. Naturally there were many parades and much
speech-making. That "an idle mind is the devil's workshop" was proven by
the appearance of the communistic red flag in some of the parades and by
the savage utterances of their speech-makers.

The pork packers and brewers amicably adjusted the strikes of their men,
but the majority of the employers refused to concede anything. Sunday,
the 2d of May, passed without incident, but the police knew the
anarchists were plotting and trouble was at hand. Probably 12,000
strikers gathered the next day at the McCormick Reaper Works on Western
Avenue, where they shattered the windows with stones. At the moment an
attack was about to be made upon the buildings, a patrol wagon dashed up
with twelve policemen, who sprang to the ground. Drawing their revolvers
they faced the mob and ordered them to disperse. They were answered with
a volley of stones. The policemen fired twice over the heads of the
rioters, thereby encouraging instead of intimidating them. Seeing the
folly of throwing away their shots, the policemen now fired directly at
the rioters, who answered with pistol-shots, but they did not hit any of
the officers.

Other patrol wagons hurried up, and the officers did not wait until they
could leap out before opening fire. Their brave attack forced back the
mob, and in the course of an hour the streets were cleared. The
terrified workmen were escorted by the policemen to their homes. But for
such protection they would have been killed by the infuriated rioters.

Tuesday was marked by many affrays between the officers and
law-breakers, but no serious conflict occurred. Placards were
distributed during the day, calling upon the "workingmen" to meet that
evening at the old Haymarket Place, and the organ of the anarchists
urged the men to arm against the police. At the meeting the most
incendiary speeches were made, and the speakers had roused the several
thousand listeners to the highest pitch of excitement, when Inspector
Bonfield at the head of a column of officers forced his way to the
stand, ordered the speaker to stop, and commanded the crowd to disperse.
He was answered with jeers and a storm of missiles. While the policemen
were calmly awaiting the orders of the inspector, some one in the crowd
threw a sputtering dynamite bomb at the feet of the officers.


This monument shows the spot where on May 3, 1886, a dynamite bomb was
thrown by anarchists into a group of policemen, killing seven, crippling
eleven for life, and injuring twelve others so they were unable to do
duty for a year.]

A moment later it exploded, killing seven and crippling eleven for life.
The enraged survivors dashed into the mob, shooting and using their
clubs with fearful effect. Within five minutes the crowd was scattered,
but many lay dead and wounded on the ground. In the investigation that
followed, it was shown that the anarchists had planned to slay hundreds
of innocent people and plunder the city. Their leaders were brought to
trial, ably defended, and the most prominent sentenced to death. One
committed suicide, a number were hanged, and others sentenced to long
terms of imprisonment. All of the latter were pardoned by Governor
Altgeld when he assumed office. Since that time, as has been stated, the
anarchists have given little trouble.


The year 1886 was marked by one of the most terrifying visitations that
can come to any country. Earthquake shocks have been felt in different
places in the United States, and the earth-tremors are so frequent in
California that they cause little alarm, for very few have inflicted any
damage to property or life.

On the night of August 31st, the city of Richmond, Virginia, was thrown
into consternation by a series of earthquake shocks. The convicts in the
penitentiary became so panic-stricken that the militia had to be called
out to control them. The shock was felt still more violently in
Columbia, South Carolina. The buildings swayed as if rocked in a gale,
and hundreds of citizens rushed into the street in their night robes.
The scenes were less startling in Memphis, Nashville, Raleigh,
Chattanooga, Selma, Lynchburg, Norfolk, Mobile, St. Louis, Cleveland,
Indianapolis, Chicago, Pittsburg, while the tremor was felt as far north
as Albany, N.Y.

The most fearful visitation, however, was at Charleston, South Carolina.
Telegraphic communication was cut off with the rest of the world, and
for hours the horrifying belief prevailed that the city had been
entirely destroyed. Such, happily, was not the fact, though never in all
the stormy history of Charleston did she pass through so terrible an

Late on the evening named, the inhabitants found themselves tossed
about, with their houses tumbling into ruins. They ran in terror into
the streets, many not stopping until they reached the open country,
while others flung themselves on their knees and begged heaven to save

The shocks that night were ten in number, each less violent than its
predecessor. Fires started in several quarters, and twenty houses were
burned before the firemen gained control. The next morning vibrations
again shook the city, all coming from the southeast and passing off in a
northwesterly direction. The first warning was a deep, subterraneous
rumbling, then the earth quivered and heaved, and in a few seconds the
terrific wave had gone by.

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