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This could not be permitted, and the Dole
government refused the request to yield its authority to the queen.

The situation brought President Cleveland to a standstill, for he had
first to obtain the authority of Congress in order to use force, and
that body was so opposed to his course that it would never consent to
aid him. The provisional government grew stronger, and speedily
suppressed a rebellion that was set on foot by the queen. It won the
respect of its enemies by showing clemency to the plotters, when it
would have been legally justified in putting the leaders to death. The
queen was arrested, whereupon she solemnly renounced for herself and
heirs all claim to the throne, urged her subjects to do the same, and
declared her allegiance to the republic.


ANNEXATION OF HAWAII.

Let us anticipate a few events. In May, 1898, Representative Newlands
introduced into the House a resolution providing for the annexation of
Hawaii. Considerable opposition developed in the Senate, but the final
vote was carried, July 6th, by 42 to 21. The President appointed as
members of the commission, Senators Shelby M. Cullom, of Illinois; John
T. Morgan, of Alabama; Representative Robert R. Hitt, of Illinois; and
President Dole and Chief Justice Judd, of the Hawaiian Republic. All the
congressmen named were members of the Committee on Foreign Relations and
Foreign Affairs.

The news of the admission of Hawaii to the Union was received in the
islands with great rejoicing. A salute of one hundred guns was fired on
the Executive Building grounds at Honolulu, and the formal transfer,
August 12th, was attended with appropriate ceremonies. A full
description of these interesting islands, their history and their
products, will be found in Chapter XXVI. of this volume.


THE GREAT RAILROAD STRIKE OF 1894.

One of the greatest railroad strikes in this country occurred in the
summer of 1894. Early in the spring of that year, the Pullman Car
Company, whose works are near Chicago, notified their employes that they
had to choose between accepting a reduction in their wages or having the
works closed. They accepted the cut, although the reduction was from
twenty-five to fifty per cent. of what they had been receiving.

When May came, the distressed workmen declared it impossible for them
and their families to live on their meagre pay. They demanded a
restoration of the old rates; but the company refused, affirming that
they were running the business at a loss and solely with a view of
keeping the men at work. On the 11th of May, 3,000 workmen, a majority
of the whole number, quit labor and the company closed their works.

The American Railway Union assumed charge of the strike and ordered a
boycott of all Pullman cars. Eugene V. Debs was the president of the
Union, and his sweeping order forbade all engineers, brakemen, and
switchmen to handle the Pullman cars on every road that used them. This
was far-reaching, since the Pullman cars are used on almost every line
in the country.

A demand was made upon the Pullman Company to submit the question to
arbitration, but the directors refused on the ground that there was
nothing to arbitrate, the question being whether or not they were to be
permitted to operate their own works for themselves. A boycott was
declared on all roads running out of Chicago, beginning on the Illinois
Central. Warning was given to every road handling the Pullman cars that
its employes would be called out, and, if that did not prove effective,
every trade in the country would be ordered to strike.

[Illustration: ON THE BALTIMORE AND OHIO RAILWAY.]

The railroad companies were under heavy bonds to draw the Pullman cars,
and it would have cost large sums of money to break their contracts.
They refused to boycott, and, on June 26th, President Debs declared a
boycott on twenty-two roads running out of Chicago, and ordered the
committees representing the employes to call out the workmen without an
hour's unnecessary delay.

The strike rapidly spread. Debs urged the employes to refrain from
injuring the property of their employers, but such advice is always
thrown away. Very soon rioting broke out, trains were derailed, and men
who attempted to take the strikers' places were savagely maltreated.
There was such a general block of freight that prices of the necessaries
of life rose in Chicago and actual suffering impended. So much property
was destroyed that the companies called on the city and county
authorities for protection. The men sent to cope with the strikers were
too few, and when Governor Altgeld forwarded troops to the scenes of the
outbreaks, they also were too weak, and many of the militia openly
showed their sympathy with the mob.

Growing bolder, the strikers checked the mails and postal service and
resisted deputy marshals. This brought the national government into the
quarrel, since it is bound to provide for the safe transmission of the
mails. On July 2d a Federal writ was issued covering the judicial
district of northern Illinois, forbidding all interference with the
United States mails and with interstate railway commerce. Several
leaders of the strike were arrested, whereat the mob became more
threatening than ever. The government having been notified that Federal
troops were necessary to enforce the orders of the courts in Chicago, a
strong force of cavalry, artillery, and infantry was sent thither.
Governor Altgeld protested, and President Cleveland told him in effect
to attend to his own business and sent more troops to the Lake City.

There were several collisions between the mob and military, in which a
number of the former were killed. Buildings were fired, trains ditched,
and the violence increased, whereupon the President dispatched more
troops thither, with the warning that if necessary he would call out the
whole United States army to put down the law-breakers.

The strike, which was pressed almost wholly by foreigners, was not
confined to Chicago. A strong antipathy is felt toward railroads in
California, owing to what some believe have been the wrongful means
employed by such corporations on the Pacific coast.

There were ugly outbreaks in Los Angeles, Oakland, and Sacramento, the
difficulty being intensified by the refusal of the militia to act
against the strikers. A force of regular soldiers, while hurrying over
the railroad to the scene of the disturbance, was ditched by the
strikers and several killed and badly hurt. The incensed soldiers were
eager for a chance to reach the strikers, but they were under fine
discipline and their officers showed great self-restraint.


END OF THE STRIKE.

The course of all violent strikes is short. The savage acts repel
whatever sympathy may have been felt for the workingmen at first. Few of
the real sufferers took part in the turbulent acts. It was the
foreigners and the desperate men who used the grievances as a pretext
for their outlawry, in which they were afraid to indulge at other times.
Then, too, the stern, repressive measures of President Cleveland had a
salutary effect. Many labor organizations when called upon to strike
replied with expressions of sympathy, but decided to keep at work.
President Debs, Vice-President Howard, and other prominent members of
the American Railway Union were arrested, July 10th, on the charge of
obstructing the United States mails and interfering with the execution
of the laws of the United States. A number--forty-three in all--was
indicted by the Federal grand jury, July 19th, and the bonds were fixed
at $10,000 each. Bail was offered, but they declined to accept it and
went to jail. On December 14th, Debs was sentenced to six months'
imprisonment for contempt, the terms of the others being fixed at three
months.

On August 5th, the general committee of strikers officially declared the
strike at an end in Chicago, and their action was speedily imitated
elsewhere.


COXEY'S COMMONWEAL ARMY.

One of the most remarkable appeals made directly to the law-making
powers by the unemployed was that of Coxey's "Commonweal Army." Despite
some of its grotesque features, it was deserving of more sympathy than
it received, for it represented a pitiful phase of human poverty and
suffering.

The scheme was that of J.S. Coxey, of Massillon, Ohio, who left that
town on the 25th of March, 1894, with some seventy-five men. They
carried no weapons, and believed they would gather enough recruits on
the road to number 100,000 by the time they reached Washington, where
their demands made directly upon Congress would be so imposing that that
body would not dare refuse them. They intended to ask for the passage of
two acts: the first to provide for the issue of $500,000,000 in
legal-tender notes, to be expended under the direction of the secretary
of war at the rate of $20,000,000 monthly, in the construction of roads
in different parts of the country; the second to authorize any State,
city, or village to deposit in the United States treasury
non-interest-bearing bonds, not exceeding in amount one-half the
assessed valuation of its property, on which the secretary of the
treasury should issue legal-tender notes.

This unique enterprise caused some misgiving, for it was feared that
such an immense aggregation of the unemployed would result in turbulence
and serious acts of violence. Few could restrain sympathy for the object
of the "army," while condemning the means adopted to make its purpose
effective.

The result, however, was a dismal fiasco. The trampers committed no
depredations, and when they approached a town and camped near it the
authorities and citizens were quite willing to supply their immediate
wants in order to get rid of them. But, while a good many recruits were
added, fully as many deserted. At no time did Coxey's army number more
than 500 men, and when it reached Washington on the 1st of May it
included precisely 336 persons, who paraded through the streets. Upon
attempting to enter the Capitol grounds they were excluded by the
police. Coxey and two of his friends disregarded the commands, and were
arrested and fined five dollars apiece and sentenced to twenty days'
imprisonment for violating the statute against carrying a banner on the
grounds and in not "keeping off the grass." The army quickly dissolved
and was heard of no more.

Similar organizations started from Oregon, Montana, Colorado, Wyoming,
and different points for Washington.



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